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Thread: Nime Qilish Kerek?

  1. #1
    Oghuzhan Guest

    Default Nime Qilish Kerek?

    Bir Qizning Dini Ledirimiz Husenjan Jelil we Uyghurlar heqqide yazghan bu maqalisini oqup, numustin öliwalghudek boliwatimen.Biz bosh turghanliqimiz uchun Xitay xalighanni qilip keliwatidu.wetende Xitay bizni nechche yüzming nopusi bar hetta nechche on ming nopusi har milletlerchilikmu körmeydu.chünki ular bizning milliy xarakterimizgha "nomus we xorluqqa chidap naxsha oqup, ussul oynap yashaydighan mexluqlar" dep baha bergen.biz "meni chaqmighan yilan yaxshi yilan"dep qachanghiche yasharmiz.Husenjan Jelil heqqide baldurraq, keskinraq, estayidilraq, aqilaniraq küch chiqarghan bolsaq, yana milyon Husenjan Jelilning yoli etilip qalmayti.emdi ish bu yerge keldi, u qutulup qalghan bolsa men qutulduriwaldim deydighan nochilar jiq chiqatti, emdi bolsimu heriketke kelip bu heqte keng kölemlik namayish teshkillesh, xelqaraning bu mesilige bolghan qiziqishini ashurush, uning Türmidiki hayatigha kepillik qilish, ayali we perzentlirige ege chiqish qatarliq ishlar bar. Qandaq qilayli qerindashlirim?!nege berip, kimge eytayli derdimizni!? KIM xeliqning yürek soqushigha qulaq salidu?
    Bu mesilide estayidilraq bolishinglarni töwenchilik belen iltimas qilimiz!shu munasiwet belen BIRQIZning maqalisinimu diqqitinglargha sunduq.belkim pikir qilishlirimizgha paydisi bolup qalar degen ümütte.
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    Miningche ozbekler nahayiti yahshi qiliptu, ozbekni tillash hajetsiz.
    Husen qarim nechche milyon uygur ve turkler bilidighan, hormetleydighan dini zat. islam ve uygur uchun kop ejirlerni jilghan bir vetenperver ve bir mujahit.

    epsuski, bir imanliq erkek chiqip, " husenjan uchun men 2 yil turmida yatay" diyelmidi, chunki, ozbek elchiliridin birni goroge alghan bolsang Husenjanni qutuldurush mumkin idi.

    dunyada herhil musulman bar:

    namazdin bashqini bilmeydighan "namaz musulmini".
    namaz oteydu, emma qelbide iman yoq " shekil musulmini".
    hudadin qorqmaydu, jamaettin qorqidu "yasalma musulman".
    buningdin sirt yene : jahil musulman, iplas musulman, tepriqichi musulman, gheyvethor musulman, suhenchi musulman, ahmaq musulman, savatsiz musulman, qaraqosaq musulman, kitap oqimaydighan musulman, imansiz musulman, ghalcha musulman, satqun musulman....

    qarisam bundaq musulmanlar uygurlarda heli kopken, Iraqta sap musulman heli kopken. oz dini uchun, oz vetini uchun, horlinivatqan ghoruri uchun, depsende qilinivatqan imani uchun, izilivatqan, munqerz bolivatqan milliti uchun qandaq yashashni bilgen musulmanlar iken.

    uygurlarda ne musulmanliq, ne erkeklik, ne insanliq yoq, jan beqish bar. shapilaq bilen urup bersimu jan beqish, tillap bersimu jan beqish, kotige eplep qoysimu jan beqish, shovigha chilap bersimu jan beqish, apisigha cheqilip qoysimu jan beqish, hotunini oynap qoysimu jan beqish, bashqilarning tapinining astida qalsimu jan beqish........

    Apirin! Iraqliqlar! Apirin chechenler! Apirin Turkler! Apirin ozbekler!!!

    Lenet ! uygurlar!!! homsi uygurlar! mejroh uygurlar! oluk uygurlar! qul mijez uygurlar!!!

    Tartivatqan kunliring allahning jazasi!!!

  2. #2
    Oghuzhan Guest

    Default Bundaq Quyruqinglarni ichige tiqiwalmanglar!

    Emdila milliy rohta yashashni bashlighan bir künler bolsa kerek.1995-yili 4-,5-aylarda dadamni böretaladiki yerqaynaqta dawalitip aptobus belen ürümchige qaytip keliwatattuq. radioda shu küni Ghulja sheheride yigirmige yeqin ademning atalmish döletni parchilash jinayiti belen etip tashlanghanliq xewirini berdi. dadamning ehwali birdinla peslep, biaram bolup ürümchige kelgüche zuwan sürmidi. men uni, buni oylap axiri dadamning ming teste yaxshilanghan salametlikining u wehshiy heriket tüpeylidin yamanliship keiwatqanliqini tesewwur qildim,qattiq ichim siqildi.aptobustikilerning hemmisining üni ichige chüshüp ketti...

    Biz ürümchige kelduq...Aptobus bizni Bulaqbeshi kochisidiki shimalning bekitige tashlidi...men neme ish bolup ketkendu ürümchide dep etrapqa diqqet qildim, toy, haraq ziyapiti, naxsha muzika sodisi, paskina soda qizip ketken bu kochida hechqandaq bir özgirish bolmighandek kishiler adetlengen hayatini yashawetiptu...

    könglüm qattiq yerim bolghan edi...

    Bügün Qazaqistan, özbekistan, pakistan, Qirghizistandin nurghun hemsherilirimizning Xitaygha setiwetilgenlikini, milliy rehbirimiz Rabiye anining 3 oghli bir inisi qatarliqlarning türmide behude azap chekiwatqanliqini toluqi belen angliduq... bizde qandaq bir rohi halet höküm süriwatqandu?...

    Eger bir Amerikiliq yaki Germaniyelik bir jornalistni ottura sheriqte, yaki xitayda qolgha alghan bolsa German we Engilizlar qandaq qilip keter bolghiydi?...

    Qanche waqittin beri Hüsenjan Jelil, Püseyin Jelil deduq....emdi uni xitay qayturup ketti...bizning ehwalimizgha qarap baqsaq bu mangqurt millet qanche waqittin beri xitaydin shu ishni kütüp turiwatqandek...bu heqte söhbetleshmey bir-biri belen kona gheywetlirini bashlidi...biz yana mushundaq deltilik qiliwersek Xitaylar bizni gherip dunyasidin haywanni tutqandek tutup, put-qolimizni yerge tekküzmey appirip türmige tashlaydu...

    Ormangha ot ketse qoymu, börimu, yolwasmu, ishekmu, oghlaqmu, toshqanmu bir yolda qachidiken...bizchu...

    Biz hemmimiz gepimizni eqilliq bolsaq eqil belen, delte bolsaq deltilik belen bir qiliwalghan bolsaq xitay bunche heddidin eship ketmeyti....

    Hey insanlar bügün bu sorunda diyishidighan heqiqi gep chiqti...sözlishinglar, pikir almashturushunglar, chare tedbir izdenglar, xelqinglarning haligha yetinglar, hel qilalmaydigha millet belen aliqisi yoq nersilerni emes özenglarning teqdirige keskin taqishiwatqan nersiler heqqide bash qaturunglar!...

    Gheywet qilmanglar, özenglarni chaghlap sözlenglar, chonglarning, bilimliklerning, tejirbiliklerning, yol bashlighuchilarning aghzini tatilanglar, sözige qulaq selinglar!...

    Husenjan Jelil arqiliq weten-milletning kelgüsini pilanlaglar...eqil tepinglar...!

    Bilsenglar hech bolmisa birqanche kün bolsimu Husenjan Jelil heqqide bir nersilerni deyishettinglar....aghzinglargha gep selip berishni dayim yat milletlerdin kütemsiler?! BUNDAQ jimip ketmenglar...



    (mushundaq chaghda qanche qorqup ketsingiz xitay boyningizgha minidu, keskin qarshi turalisingiz aldingizgha kelip yelidu...bu nomus tuyghusi wujudigha yerlshmigen xitay millitining milliy xarakteri.)

  3. #3
    Herket Guest

    Default

    Chet'eldiki qerindashlirimizdin qaxshapla olturush hajetsiz, chunki emeliyet shuki, ularning kop qismi oz nepsining qulliri, jan baqti bichariler, undaqlarni herqanche tillapmu wijdanini oyghutush mumkin emes. Muhimi ular arisida weten-millet uchun ozini heqiqi atighanlar bar. Ularning sani kop bolmisimu, eger hemmisini herketke kelturush mumkin bolsila ajayip zor bir kuch shekillinidu. Xitay pattingimizgha miniwelip aghzimizgha siymekte, bizni shu qeder ayaq asti qiliwatidu-ki... insanlar tarixida hichkim kormigen xorluq-xarlinishni biz koruwatimiz. Arimizda undaq xorlinishta yashighandin olumni ela korudighanlar bar. Nowettiki weziyette ene shundaqlarni jiddiy herketke kelturup, nijis xitaygha Uyghurning qulluq uchun tughulghan omurtqisi yoq millet emeslikini tonutup qoyushimiz kerek, bolmisa hemmimizning aqiwiti Huseyin Celil ependiningkidek bolushi turghan gep. Undaqta arimizdiki ashu heqiqiy erkeklerni kim teshkilleydu? Rabiye animu? Yaq, u bizge dahiy bolushqa munasip uluq insan, uni bundaq ishni teshkilleshke chillisaq belkim kelguside azat wetinimizge lider bolidighan animizning siyasiy yoligha tosqunluq qilip qoyghan bolimiz. Emise Germaniyediki "lider"largha qaramduq?! Uxlimay chush kormenglar! Germaniyede siyasiyon bolimen dep yuzini urup ishshitiwalghan mexluqlardin bashqisini tepish tes, u yerde heqiqi erkekler bar, emma "lider" atalghanlar ichide heqiqi erkektin birsimu yoq! Undaqta yuqarqidek kuchni kim teshkilleydu? Eger arimizdin meni qayil qilalighudek birersi bu ishqa bashchiliq qilsa, men jenimni pida qilishqa teyyarmen, herqandaq ishqa ozemni ataymen. Iplas xitayning bizge, jumlidin manga shu qeder haqaret qilishini wijdanim peqetla kotermidi... Bundaq ittek yashighandin manga olum ming ewzel!!! Emma olsemmu awal nijis xitayning jajisini taza bir berip oley deymen. Arimizda erkek barmu?!

  4. #4
    Unregistered Guest

    Default Arimizda erkek bar!

    Quote Originally Posted by Herket
    Chet'eldiki qerindashlirimizdin qaxshapla olturush hajetsiz, chunki emeliyet shuki, ularning kop qismi oz nepsining qulliri, jan baqti bichariler, undaqlarni herqanche tillapmu wijdanini oyghutush mumkin emes. Muhimi ular arisida weten-millet uchun ozini heqiqi atighanlar bar. Ularning sani kop bolmisimu, eger hemmisini herketke kelturush mumkin bolsila ajayip zor bir kuch shekillinidu. Xitay pattingimizgha miniwelip aghzimizgha siymekte, bizni shu qeder ayaq asti qiliwatidu-ki... insanlar tarixida hichkim kormigen xorluq-xarlinishni biz koruwatimiz. Arimizda undaq xorlinishta yashighandin olumni ela korudighanlar bar. Nowettiki weziyette ene shundaqlarni jiddiy herketke kelturup, nijis xitaygha Uyghurning qulluq uchun tughulghan omurtqisi yoq millet emeslikini tonutup qoyushimiz kerek, bolmisa hemmimizning aqiwiti Huseyin Celil ependiningkidek bolushi turghan gep. Undaqta arimizdiki ashu heqiqiy erkeklerni kim teshkilleydu? Rabiye animu? Yaq, u bizge dahiy bolushqa munasip uluq insan, uni bundaq ishni teshkilleshke chillisaq belkim kelguside azat wetinimizge lider bolidighan animizning siyasiy yoligha tosqunluq qilip qoyghan bolimiz. Emise Germaniyediki "lider"largha qaramduq?! Uxlimay chush kormenglar! Germaniyede siyasiyon bolimen dep yuzini urup ishshitiwalghan mexluqlardin bashqisini tepish tes, u yerde heqiqi erkekler bar, emma "lider" atalghanlar ichide heqiqi erkektin birsimu yoq! Undaqta yuqarqidek kuchni kim teshkilleydu? Eger arimizdin meni qayil qilalighudek birersi bu ishqa bashchiliq qilsa, men jenimni pida qilishqa teyyarmen, herqandaq ishqa ozemni ataymen. Iplas xitayning bizge, jumlidin manga shu qeder haqaret qilishini wijdanim peqetla kotermidi... Bundaq ittek yashighandin manga olum ming ewzel!!! Emma olsemmu awal nijis xitayning jajisini taza bir berip oley deymen. Arimizda erkek barmu?!
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    Bügün namazdin keyin bu bettiki yürek sadasingizni anglap öpkem örülgendek bolup, büridek Huwlap yighlap kettim.yeningizda men bar qerindishim.ikkimizning yenida yana nurghun weten söyer Hemshirillirimiz hetta milyunlap azatliqimiz üchün qurban berishke teyyar turghan qerindashlirimiz bar, büyük sherqi türkistan xelqi we tinichliq hem demokiratiyeni himaye qilghuchi xelqara jemiyet bar! toghra eytisiz,biz emdi xitay we xitayning gumashtilliri, teslimchiler we muressechilerge qarap ish qilsaq xata qilghan bolimiz.eslide teshkilat bizni emes biz teshkilatni bashqurushimiz, teshkilat bizge emes biz teshkilatqa yolyuruq berishimiz kerek.eger yoqarqi sözliringiz ghurur we wijdan, iman we itiqat, irade we qesem belen chiqqan bolsa uzaq ötmey etrapingizda yüzligen ademni körisiz. hazir waqitning ötishi ötmüshtikige oxshimaydu.5-6yil ichide ilgirki 50-60 yilliq weqeler yüz beridu.Xelqimizning erishkenliridin, mehrum bolghanliri oqtek köpüyüp ketiwatidu. asman örülüp chüshiwatidu, astida manta yewatimiz.biz yene kichik balidek aghzimizdiki imizgini imip olturiwersek xitay we xelqaraning aldidiki eng axirqi inawitimiznimu yoqutimiz.eger bir ish qilayli, ishlarni bir az tertipke selip, özimiz qilalaydighan derijidiki eng chong netijini qazinayli desingiz sizge özimizni we dostlirimizni tonushturup qoyimiz.adem digenning ichi qaynimisa bikar gep, ichi qaynap turghan millet wolqandek partilaydu, eger bizningmu ichimiz qaynighan bolsa u halda kelgüsimizdin ümüd tughuldi degenlik bolidu. hörmet belen:
    -Oghuzhan

  5. #5
    oghuzhan Guest

    Default salam!

    29-06-06, 04:38
    Unregistered Posts: n/a



    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    Quote:
    Originally Posted by Herket
    Salam hormetlik qerindishim Oghuzhan,
    Inkasingizgha kop rexmet! Tomurimizdiki qan bir retimda soqudighandek qilidu. Xalisingiz E-mail adresingizni qaldursingiz, siz bilen pikir almashturushni bekmu xalaymen. Rexmet! Ishliringiz utuqluq bolghay,amin!



    Salam qerindishim: xétingizni kördüm,teliwingizge asasen bu yerge El-xet adresimni qaldurimen:

    oghuzhan@hotmail.de

    Siz bilen mungdushishni xalaymen.ishliringizgha utuq tilep qerindishingiz: Oghuzhan


    29.06

  6. #6
    Unregistered Guest

    Angry

    Allah aldida qesemki minemu qayil qilalighudek heqiqe, emile ish bolsa menmu teyar milem we jinem bilen. eger shundaq paliyet bolsa minemu herwelendurep quyungla! bu yerge alaqilshish adresine hazerche yezishni muwapiq kormidem. yenimda sutapanjileri bar shundaq bir herktni allah nisep qilsa ide bir sinshep baqqan bolasam. allah hemmimezge jumlidem mangimu shundaq qorqmas kush-quwet jasaret ata qilghay amin!!!
    Quote Originally Posted by Herket
    Chet'eldiki qerindashlirimizdin qaxshapla olturush hajetsiz, chunki emeliyet shuki, ularning kop qismi oz nepsining qulliri, jan baqti bichariler, undaqlarni herqanche tillapmu wijdanini oyghutush mumkin emes. Muhimi ular arisida weten-millet uchun ozini heqiqi atighanlar bar. Ularning sani kop bolmisimu, eger hemmisini herketke kelturush mumkin bolsila ajayip zor bir kuch shekillinidu. Xitay pattingimizgha miniwelip aghzimizgha siymekte, bizni shu qeder ayaq asti qiliwatidu-ki... insanlar tarixida hichkim kormigen xorluq-xarlinishni biz koruwatimiz. Arimizda undaq xorlinishta yashighandin olumni ela korudighanlar bar. Nowettiki weziyette ene shundaqlarni jiddiy herketke kelturup, nijis xitaygha Uyghurning qulluq uchun tughulghan omurtqisi yoq millet emeslikini tonutup qoyushimiz kerek, bolmisa hemmimizning aqiwiti Huseyin Celil ependiningkidek bolushi turghan gep. Undaqta arimizdiki ashu heqiqiy erkeklerni kim teshkilleydu? Rabiye animu? Yaq, u bizge dahiy bolushqa munasip uluq insan, uni bundaq ishni teshkilleshke chillisaq belkim kelguside azat wetinimizge lider bolidighan animizning siyasiy yoligha tosqunluq qilip qoyghan bolimiz. Emise Germaniyediki "lider"largha qaramduq?! Uxlimay chush kormenglar! Germaniyede siyasiyon bolimen dep yuzini urup ishshitiwalghan mexluqlardin bashqisini tepish tes, u yerde heqiqi erkekler bar, emma "lider" atalghanlar ichide heqiqi erkektin birsimu yoq! Undaqta yuqarqidek kuchni kim teshkilleydu? Eger arimizdin meni qayil qilalighudek birersi bu ishqa bashchiliq qilsa, men jenimni pida qilishqa teyyarmen, herqandaq ishqa ozemni ataymen. Iplas xitayning bizge, jumlidin manga shu qeder haqaret qilishini wijdanim peqetla kotermidi... Bundaq ittek yashighandin manga olum ming ewzel!!! Emma olsemmu awal nijis xitayning jajisini taza bir berip oley deymen. Arimizda erkek barmu?!

  7. #7
    Unregistered Guest

    Default

    nimishqa siz eng sözlishishke tegishlik temidin özingizni qachurup, özingiz hel qilalmaydighan yaki özgeertelmeydighan timilargha esiliwlisiz qerindash?

  8. #8
    Unregistered Guest

    Default

    Posts: n/a

    baliliringizgha aga bolung!

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    #1 04-07-06, 01:16
    Uyghur Awazi Posts: n/a

    Uyghuristandiki tört waba!

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    Biz dayim bezi ishlar heqqide sözleshkenda awal anilarni andin balilarni xiyalimizgha keltürüshimiz kerek.balilirimizning birinchi oqutquchisi anilar, anilarsiz hech ish qilalmaymiz.balilirimizni tört apettin saqlap qelishning charesi Rabiye Qadir Xanimdek jessur anilarni yetishtürüp chiqish.balilrning terbiyilinishi we anilarning izzetlinishini nezerge elip, Uyghur Awazining bu maqalisini ata-anilargha sunduq. oqup zoqlinarsiler!
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    Yeqindin beri xuddi tariximizda talay qetim yüz bergendekla kötürelmiseng sanggilitiwal dep zeher istimal qilish, xiristiyanlishish, eydiz kesili bolush we pahashiwazliq ewij elip ketiwatidu.
    Hazirqi weziyette bizning eng hushyar turup özimizni qoghdap qalidighan tört kisel:
    1) Xitay
    2)Zeher
    3)Xiristiyanlishish
    4)Aydis qatarliqlardur!
    Men bu tor betide Xiristiyan dini heqqide boliwatqan munazirilerni körüp, xelqimiz ming teste yetildürgen diniy alimlirimiz nimishqa bunche sewrichandur? nimihqa ular ikki eghiz kawapmu, zixmu köymeydighan gep qilip bu eqilsiz bir top alamanlarning aghzini etmeydighandu dep heyran qaldim.qarshi elinmaydighan bir nersini qanche köp tilgha alghanche shunche ziyanliq bolidighanliqini bu yerdikiler bilmey din heqqide bir nersilerni dep ketiwatidu.ulargha toghra bolghan jamaet pikiri belen yol bashlash diniy sahidiki ziyalilirimizning estayidil elip baridighan ishi edi. emma islamiy jehette mexsus terbiye körmigen mendek bir adem alla bergen bilim we eqlimge tayinip ikki eghiz sözlep qoyush qararigha keldim.
    Bu heqte quruq parangni qanche köpeytiwetkenche temidin uzap ketidighan, deplomatiye we jamaetdarchiliqqa ekis tesir beridighan ishlarning kelip chiqishidin saqlanghili bolmaydighan ish chiqidiken, bolmisa ularning ediwini beridighan bir purset edi bu.uning üstige bizning bezi ziyalilirimizning bilim we bashqa tereplerdiki terbiylinishimiz, hazir emes axirda biz bilen tighmu- tigh munazirilishidighanlarningkige yetmeydu.yetidighanlar biz terepte turup ish qilmaydu.uning üstige bu ishning Uyghuristanliqlarning riyal siyasiy problemliri belen anche munasiwiti yoq.
    Gepimizge kelsek:Uyghuristanda tört waba kesili bar! Bularning biri Uyghuristandiki bezi kelip chiqishi pes munapiqlarning xiristiyan bolushi meselisi. qarisam ishlar taza yaxshi emes ketiwatidu. dindin chiqqanlar yaki mundaqche qilip eytqanda, Uyghurche bilidighan xiristiyan xitaylar we erep, ordu we hendi nesillik xumsilar bu temigha kirip kalte -kösey bir nersilerni yezip yürgen awam-puqralarni rasa kodurlatqili turuptu. bu ish mening bir az ghururumgha tegip, dininy qerindashlirim bolghan musulmanlarni jim turushqa isharet qildim.emma ular yiqilghan chelishqa toymaptu degendek ajizliqigha baqmay bir nersilerni dep yürüshti we aq-qarini perq etmey meni set gepler belen haqaretlidi.qarisam ular özini tutalaydighandek emes,shunga bu pikirni yezishqa mejbur boldum.
    Qerindashlirim ( bu temigha kirgen)qarighanda sizler bu yerdiki munazirining höddisidin chiqalmaysizler, taqqa-tuqqa gep qilip, bu mezmunni paytimidek sörep, muhim timilarning aldigha elip yürmey heliqi yeringizlarni qisip bashqa ishlarni qilingizlar. men bir Uyghur musulman, uyghurlargha din özgertish kesili tegkendin keyin, Xiristiyan dini heqqide chongqur izdiniwatqan.bu sorunda yazalisingizlar yaxshiraq, ilmiyraq, tetqiqat xarakterigha ege bir nerse yezip, özingizlar üchün barghanche paydisiz boliwatqan bu munazirini chapsanraq axirlashturungizlar.urushqaq, nadan, telwe ademlerdek gep qiliwersingizlar barghanche bilim, etiqat we yeziqchiliq jehettiki ajizliqliringizlarni chandurup qoyidikensizler...bu sorungha kiriwalghan atalmish islam "qoghdughuchilliri" we Uyghuristanliqlarning ichidin 21-esirde chiqqan öz dinini, ghururuni, wijdanini we milliy kimlikini sétish arqiliq jan beqiwatqan diwanilargha kelishtürüp jawap teyyarliniwatidu.bundaq taqa-tuqa, chupur-chechek sözlep özingizlar we bashqilarni aware qilip yürmey mening meslehetim asasida Süküt
    qilishsingizlar yaxshimikin.sizlerningkidek bu qapaq kalla belen bu temida qanche qarshi pikirni sözligenche shunche paxshe bolup yashaydighan gep.yaki munazirini horun xotunning paytimisidek uzartmay küchüngiz bolsa birqanche parche yaxshi nerse yezip axirlashturungizlar! Bolmisa qisidighan yiringizlarni qisip, wat-wat aghzighizlarni bu heqtiki nadanliq we bilimsizlik belen elip beriliwatqan söhbitingizlardin yighingizlar!YANA deydighinim sizler dinimiz we millitimizge köyiney, ziyan salmay disingizlar jim turingizlar... eger bu yazmigha asasen X dinini qollaydighan chüprende "Uyghurdin" birsi chiqip qalsa bash qaturmisingizlarmu bolidu.uninggha biz(men) bar.emma Ular bilen birnersilerni dep taliship yürüsh waqit israpchiliqidin bashqa nerse emes. hem ulardimu texi biz bilen ilmiy munazirige chüshkudek sapa yoq.eng muhimi ular itiqattiki gheripsinish tuyghisi ichide xuddi Aydis kesellirige oxshash jan talishiwatidu.ular yaxshi ishta siler bilen birge xushal bolushni oylimighan belen yaman ishta birge azaplinishni yaxshi köridu.birqanche Uyghurning yoldin chiqqini bu milletning tügeshkini, birqanche Uyghurning saxtapezlik bilen din almashturghini Uyghuristanda islam dini quyashining patqini emes!Biz bashqa milletlerning dinini inkar qilmaymiz, emma Uyghuristanning milliy dinini inkar qilghan bir Uyghuristanliqqa wetenning xayini pozitsiysini bildürimiz.xiristiyan dunyasi belen dayim teng barawerlik we öz-ara hörmetleshni aldinqi shert qilidighan dostluq we qerindashliqni qoghdaymiz emma ichimizdin, mushundaq yaman künde qalghanliqimizni bilip turup, bölünüp chiqip eshu dingha etiqat qilidighan xitaylar... bilen birlishiwalghanlarni ölgendin keyinmu kechürmeymiz.
    Bundaq bolmisa bolatti, boldi. bu xuddi tughansiz su kelgendek bir ish. tosimen desingizlar özingizlarni charchitip kardin chiqirisizler. jim turiwalsingizlar bu sesiq su chölge aqidu.sükütmu ajayip bir urush, süküt qilp ularni yetim qaldursingizlar, ular üchün teximu paydisiz, teximu eghir zerbe bolidu. yana tekitleymen teximu yaman geptin birni anglimay desingizler qilalaydighan ishingizlarni qilingizler, yazalaydighan nersingizlarni yezingizler, bu yerde u nakesler bilen paskina jinlardek aylinip yürmengizler, xeliqning diqqitini orunsiz ishlar üchün chachmingizler.pikirimge qarshi gepingizler bolsa tartinmastin manga Oghuzhan@hotmail.de arqiliq desingizlermu bolidu... Bizning hazir chrayliq etiqadimiz, yerlik we diniy medeniyitimiz,dunyada kem tepilidighan güzel insaniy xisletlerni pepilep yetishtüridighan milliy enenimiz bar.uni buziwetish nechche xayinning qolidin kelmeydu. bizge yengi din emes, heqiqiy milliy roh, musteqqil, milliy dölet kerek, bizge yengi dinni tengish qursiqi polo yep toyghan ademge umach zorlighandek ish.Uyghurlarning qenida esli tilemchilik degen nerse yoq. ular ach, namrat, qehet ichide qirilip ketsimu tilimeydu. din özgertiwalghanlar eyni waqitta islamgha kirip Uyghuristanliqtin tiligen, emdi yawropaliqtin tilimekchi bolghan, ottura sheriqliq diwanilerning uyghur tilida sözleydighan keyinki ewlatliri.hech bolmighanda ularning irsiyitini toshup yürgen qeni buzulghanlar. ular uyghuristanliq emes. ularning qenida sap Uyghuristanliqning qeni aqmaydu.bundin keyin ular heqqide sözligende ularnini Uyghur, Uyghurlar, Uyghuristanliqlar dep sözlimey kep chiqishi eniq bolmighan bir top xelqaraliq diwanilar, bir tawaq umachqa numisini satidighan peskeshler yaki Xlar, asiy-munapiqlar, qalmaqlar dep atisaq yaxshi bolatti. dimek sizler we sizlerdek eng muhim ishni eng xosh yaqmighandek qilidighan, kallisida qoyning beshidikichilikmu eqil we pikir bolmighan, bu yerning dayimliq mihminigha aylinip qelip, oylimighan yerdin waqtimizni aware qiliwatqan, jamaet pikirimizge bilmestin ziyan seliwatqan ebgalargha watildima, yazma, sözlime, oqu, köp angla, ügen! eng yaxshisi aghzingni yum degendin bashqini deyelmeymiz!heqiqiy sözleydighanlar bu mesilini hel qilishtiki teqezzani tuyghuche, qanche az sözlisengizlar weten we milletke shunche xizmet qilghan bolisizler.qarap turup jim tur degen, isharetni chüshenmidingizlar. yengi qalmaqlar(asiy-munapiq) herigiz sizlerge jim tur demeydu.bu ularning din tarqitishtiki pirinsipi. meqsidi aghzingizlarni tatilap, zehningizlarni chechip, waqtingizlarni igillep,pikiringizlarni ram qilishtin bashqa nerse emes.ular din özgertip alla burun gheripliq ichige petip qalghan.shunga bu gheripsinishqa azapqa siznimu shirik qilishni oylaydu.men tartqan azapni ummu tartsun deyishtin bashqa gherizi yoq.yene birge eger ular wetende we wetendin ayrilishtin awal kichik bir menpeet üchün bir saxtapez missonergha setilghan.emdi wediside turup sizlernimu u yerge tartip kirmise xujayini itni jazalighandek ularning qongigha tepidu. ular chetelge chiqqandin keyin teximu yaman künde qaldi. bashqilar bu qara chachliq satqunlarni bolushiche kemsitidu, itlirini silkigendek silkiydu, doquslitidu, yep yetiweremsen, xelqingni parchila, dindin chiqar deydu.az tula bundaq missonerliq qilsa eplep seplep yashap ketidighanliqini, ghujayinlirining ikki- üch parche söngek tashlap beridighanliqini bilidu.shu kichikkini menpeetni dep sizlerni we ewlatliringizlerni ot dengizi ichige ittiridu.

    Eng yaxshisi bu heqte bir nerse yazmingizlar!ular jim turghiningizlardin eng qoridu we wehimige chümidu. jim turghanliqi üchün hetta ölükmu shu qeder sürlük emesmu qerindashlirim! Emma Xitayning milliy zulimigha süküt qilmingizlar!
    shundaq qilsingizlar ularning aghzi besiqip, osal bolup, sizler belen hepilishiwerishtin, qiliwatqan ishliri we seliwatqan ziyanliridin axiri waz kechidu.

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    AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL HOME LIBRARY ANNUAL REPORTS REPORT 2006 WORLD WIDE SITES





    • AI Report 2006.
    • Secretary General's Message.
    • The Search for Human Security.
    • What does AI do?


    Regional Overview.
    Africa • Americas • Asia-Pacific
    Europe and Central Asia • Middle East and North Africa

    Choose a country... Africa ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Angola Burundi Cameroon Central African Republic Chad Congo Cote D'ivoire Democratic Republic of Congo Equatorial Guinea Eritrea Ethiopia Ghana Guinea Guinea-Bissau Kenya Liberia Malawi Mauritania Mozambique Namibia Niger Nigeria Rwanda Senegal Sierra Leone Somalia South Africa Sudan Swaziland Tanzania Togo Uganda Zambia Zimbabwe Americas ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Argentina Bahamas Belize Bolivia Brazil Canada Chile Colombia Cuba Dominican Republic Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Guyana Haiti Honduras Jamaica Mexico Nicaragua Paraguay Peru Puerto Rico Trinidad & Tobago Uruguay USA Venezuela Asia and the Pacific ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Afghanistan Australia Bangladesh Cambodia China Fiji India Indonesia Japan Laos Malaysia Maldives Mongolia Myanmar Nepal North Korea Pakistan Papua New Guinea Philippines Singapore Solomon Islands South Korea Sri Lanka Taiwan Thailand Timor-Leste Viet Nam Europe and Central Asia ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Albania Armenia Austria Azerbaijan Belarus Belgium Bosnia-Herzegovina Bulgaria Croatia Cyprus Czech Republic Estonia Finland France Georgia Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Kazakstan Kyrgyzstan Latvia Lithuania Macedonia Malta Moldova Netherlands Poland Portugal Romania Russian Federation Serbia and Montenegro Slovak Republic Slovenia Spain Sweden Switzerland Tajikistan Turkey Turkmenistan UK Ukraine Uzbekistan Middle East and North Africa ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Algeria Bahrain Egypt Iran Iraq Israel/Occupied Territories Jordan Kuwait Lebanon Libya Morocco/Western Sahara Oman Palestinian Authority Qatar Saudi Arabia Syria Tunisia UAE Yemen
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    Global Overview
    THE SEARCH FOR HUMAN SECURITY

    Torture and terror : Conflict and its aftermath : Fuelled by fear: Suffering due to identity : Poor, excluded and invisible : Conclusion




    The year 2005 posed some major challenges for governments: intractable conflicts, terrorist attacks, the relentless spread of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, the persistence of widespread extreme poverty and natural disasters.

    These challenges should have been met with responses based on human rights principles. All too often they were not. Individually and collectively, governments continued to pursue policies that often sacrificed human rights for political or economic expediency.

    At the same time, around the world, millions of people lent their weight to calls for greater accountability, more transparency and greater recognition of our shared responsibility to tackle these global threats collectively. From the mass mobilization around the slogan “make poverty history” to the lawyers and activists who took on powerful states in groundbreaking court cases, civil society pressed governments to deliver on their responsibilities.

    The year saw a growing understanding that respect for the rule of law is essential for human security, and that undermining human rights principles in the “war on terror” is not a route to security. Similarly, the failure to respect, protect and fulfil economic, social and cultural rights was more and more widely seen as a grave injustice and a denial of human development. Whether in response to the urgent needs of people caught up in natural disasters or the plight of individual victims of government repression, the activities of ordinary people often shamed governments into action.

    Human security requires that individuals and communities are safe not only from war, genocide and terrorist attack, but also from hunger, disease and natural disaster. Throughout 2005 activists campaigned for notorious human rights violators and powerful multinationals to be held more accountable, and for an end to racism, discrimination and social exclusion.

    Many of the human rights abuses seen in 2005 crossed national boundaries – from torture and “renditions” to the negative impact of trade and aid policies. While borders were being dismantled in some aspects of international relations – particularly in the sphere of economic transactions – they continued to be erected in others, notably migration.

    Recognition of the need for global solutions to address global threats, from terrorism to bird flu, undoubtedly grew. There were also many reminders of the necessity for UN reform. These included the continued failure of the UN Security Council to hold rogue states accountable, the exposure of high level corruption at the UN in the Oil for Food scandal, the silence which greeted the failure to meet the first of the UNMillennium Development Goals and the failure of international financial institutions to grapple with the inequities of trade, aid and debt. The UN’s own leadership proposed a number of far-reaching initiatives, but the limited outcomes of the UN World Summit in September revealed how the politics of narrow national self-interest continued to trump multilateralist aspirations.

    Yet there was progress, notably in the area of consolidating an emerging international justice system in the form of the International Criminal Court, the ad hoc international tribunals and increased use of extraterritorial jurisdiction. After years of calls for additional resources for the Office of the UNHigh Commissioner for Human Rights, its budget was significantly increased. Proposals to replace the much discredited UN Commission on Human Rights with a UN Human Rights Council were under discussion. Encouraged by these moves, and above all by the growing strength and diversity of the world’s human rights community, AI renewed its commitment to globalizing justice as a means of realizing rights for all in the search for human security.

    TORTURE AND TERROR

    The challenges that the human rights movement faced in the wake of the attacks in the USA on 11 September 2001 continued. Governments continued to promote the rhetoric that human rights are an obstacle to, rather than an essential precondition for, human security. However, thanks to the efforts of human rights activists and others, there was growing criticism of and resistance to government efforts to subordinate human rights to security concerns.

    Despite the governmental resources and efforts committed to combating terrorism, the year saw a rising number of attacks by individuals and armed groups espousing a wide range of causes in many countries.

    Deliberate attacks on civilians, breaching the most basic human rights principles, were seen around the world. For example, in India in October, during the run-up to the annual festival season, a series of bomb blasts in Delhi left 66 people dead and more than 220 injured. In Iraq, hundreds of civilians were killed or injured in attacks by armed groups throughout the year. In Jordan, three bombs in hotels in Amman killed 60 people in November. In the UK, bomb attacks on the public transport system in London in July killed 52 people and injured hundreds.

    Some of the counter-terrorism tactics adopted by governments flouted human rights. Some governments even tried to legalize or justify abusive methods that have long been deemed illegal by the international community and can never be justified.

    Thousands of men suspected of terrorism remained in US-run detention centres around the world without any prospect of being charged or facing a fair trial. At the end of 2005, some 14,000 people detained by the USA and its allies during military and security operations in Iraq and Afghanistan were still held in US military detention centres in Afghanistan, GuantE1namo Bay in Cuba and Iraq. In GuantE1namo, dozens of detainees staged hunger strikes to protest against the conditions of their detention and were force fed.

    Terrorism suspects were held by other countries too, some of them detained for long periods without charge or trial, including in Egypt, Jordan, the UK and Yemen. Others languished in prison facing the threat of deportation to countries where torture was routine. Many detainees were subjected to torture and other
    ill-treatment.

    During 2005, it became increasingly clear how far many countries had colluded or participated in supporting abusive US policies and practices in the “war on terror”, including torture, ill-treatment, secret and unlimited detentions and unlawful cross-border transfers. Many governments faced demands for greater accountability and there were key judicial decisions in defence of basic human rights principles. Even within the US government itself, tensions emerged over the curtailment of fundamental liberties.

    Information continued to emerge in 2005 that helped to expose some of the secret and abusive practices developed by states in the name of fighting terrorism. For example, further information came to light about the illegal transfer of terrorism suspects from one country to another without any judicial process – a practice known in the USA as “extraordinary renditions”. It was revealed that the USA had, through this practice, transferred many detainees to countries known to use torture and other ill-treatment in interrogations, including Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia and Syria. Such transfers effectively outsourced torture.

    What renditions mean in reality was highlighted in 2005 by the case of Muhammad al-Assad, a Yemeni living in Tanzania, who was arrested at his home in Dar-es-Salaam on 26 December 2003. He was hooded, handcuffed and flown to an unknown destination. It was the beginning of a 16-month ordeal of unacknowledged detention and interrogation, in which he had no contact with the outside world and no idea where he was.

    He was held for a year in a secret facility where he was subjected to extreme sensory deprivation. His masked guards never spoke a word to him, but communicated their instructions in sign language. There was a constant low-level hum of white noise. Artificial light was kept on 24 hours a day. Muhammad al-Assad’s father was told by Tanzanian officials that his son had been turned over to US custody, and that no one knew where he was. His family heard nothing of him until he was flown to Yemen in May 2005, where he was imprisoned, apparently at the request of the US authorities. Muhammad al-Assad was still in custody in Yemen without charge or trial at the end of 2005.

    Other testimonies from former detainees collected during 2005 by AI were shockingly similar to the experience described by Muhammad al-Assad. Two other Yemeni men were transferred to Yemen by the USA in May 2005, where they remained in custody without charge or trial at the end of the year. In separate interviews with AI in June, September and October 2005, all three described being held in isolation for 16 to 18 months in secret detention centres run by US officials. The interviews conducted by AI provided strong new evidence of the US network of secret detention centres around the world.

    In December 2005, after the UK Foreign Secretary said that he was not aware of any renditions flights refuelling or using other facilities in the UK since early 2001, AI published details of three flights that refuelled in the UK, hours after transferring detainees to countries where they risked “disappearance”, torture or other ill-treatment. Information increasingly came to light in 2005, partly because evidence was uncovered by victims themselves and partly due to governmental inquiries, that other European countries may have been similarly involved in secret transfers. Inquiries were conducted in Germany, Italy and Sweden into the role of government officials in specific rendition cases; in Spain, an investigation was opened by the Spanish authorities into the use of Spanish airports and airspace by aircraft operated by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In Iceland, Ireland and the Netherlands, government officials or activists called for official inquiries.

    Investigations by journalists, AI and others in 2005 left little doubt that the US government was running a system of covert prisons, known as “black sites”. There were persistent reports that the CIA had operated such secret detention centres in Afghanistan, Iraq, Jordan, Pakistan, Thailand, Uzbekistan and other unknown locations in Europe and elsewhere, including on the British Indian Ocean territory of Diego Garcia. About three dozen detainees deemed to have high intelligence value had “disappeared” in US custody, and were allegedly being held in black sites, completely outside the protection of the law.

    In November the Council of Europe launched an investigation into reports that the network of US secret prisons and involvement in renditions included sites in Europe. AI strongly endorsed calls to European governments to investigate such allegations by officials of the Council of Europe, one of whom declared: “not knowing is not good enough regardless of whether ignorance is intentional or accidental”.

    At a conference jointly organized by AI and the UK-based NGO Reprieve in London in November, former detainees and families of detainees held in GuantE1namo or in UK facilities testified to the human cost of indefinite detention without charge or trial. Speaking of the trauma of the families of those detained, Nadja Dizdarevic, the wife of Boudelaa Hadz of Bosnia and Herzegovina who has been held at GuantE1namo for four years, said:

    “It is difficult to be a mother to my children because I have not enough time for them and I am everything that they have85 At night after I put my children to sleep I start my work and while the whole world sleeps in peace I tirelessly write complaints, requests, letters, learn the laws and human rights conventions so that I could continue my struggle for the life and release of my husband and the others.”

    Governments have over the years requested “diplomatic assurances” from countries known to use torture in order to allow them to deport people there. In 2005 the UK government sought to rely on diplomatic assurances and concluded Memorandums of Understanding with Jordan, Lebanon and Libya, and was seeking similar agreements with Algeria, Egypt and other states in the region. AI opposed the use of such “diplomatic assurances” as they erode the absolute prohibition of torture, and are inherently unreliable and unenforceable.

    Evidence that many governments had been engaging in, conniving in or acquiescing to the outsourcing of torture underlined the need for greater transnational accountability in a world where human rights responsibilities do not stop at the borders of a state.

    The outsourcing of torture meant that the USA and some of its European allies, which had for decades unreservedly condemned torture at all times and in all circumstances, openly defied the absolute ban against torture. The implication was that they believed that some torture and ill-treatment was justifiable in the “war on terror”.

    The US administration continued its attempts to redefine and justify certain forms of torture or other ill-treatment in the name of “national security” and public order. When questioned about the US position on the treatment of prisoners, the US Attorney General, Alberto Gonzales, made it clear that his government would define torture in its own way. Although the US leadership denied that the government condoned torture, evidence emerged that the CIA used “water boarding” (simulated drowning), prolonged shackling or induced hypothermia on prisoners held in secret prisons. Some people within the US administration apparently continued to believe that certain forms of torture and ill-treatment practices were acceptable if used to gather intelligence to counter terrorism. However, growing challenges to these policies both within the USA – where at the end of the year the US Senate passed legislation affirming the ban on torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment – and among the USA’s allies in the “war on terror” offered hope of a more principled approach to human rights and security in the future.

    Human rights abuses in the context of counter-terrorism policies were not confined to the USA and its European allies. In Uzbekistan, the authorities claimed that people taking part in a demonstration in Andizhan at which peaceful demonstrators were killed had been coerced to do so by "terrorists". Subsequently, more than 70 people were convicted of "terrorist" offences after unfair trials and sentenced to long prison terms for allegedly participating in the protest.

    In China, the authorities continued to use the global “war on terror” to justify harsh repression in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR), resulting in serious human rights violations against the ethnic Uighur community. While China’s latest “strike-hard” campaign against crime had subsided in most parts of the country, it was officially renewed in the XUAR in May 2005 to eradicate “terrorism, separatism and religious extremism”. It resulted in the closure of unofficial mosques and arrests of imams. Uighur nationalists, including peaceful activists, continued to be detained or imprisoned. Those charged with serious “separatist” or “terrorist” offences were at risk of lengthy imprisonment or execution. Those attempting to pass information abroad about the extent of the crackdown faced arbitrary detention and imprisonment. The authorities continued to accuse Uighur activists of terrorism without providing credible evidence for such charges.

    In both Malaysia and Singapore, where national security legislation allows prolonged detention without charge of terrorism suspects, dozens of individuals remained in detention under Internal Security Acts without charge or trial.

    In Kenya and certain other African countries, the rhetoric of counter-terrorism was employed to justify repressive legislation which was used to silence human rights defenders and obstruct their work.

    The exposure during 2005 of the unlawful practices of governments in the name of countering terrorism mobilized and affirmed the growing demands for accountability. The determined work of human rights activists, lawyers, journalists and many others helped to lift the blanket of secrecy to expose states that transferred, detained and tortured those they suspected of terrorism.

    The year 2005 also witnessed some successes in the struggle by civil society to stop the trend towards states justifying, on security grounds, the use of information extracted through torture. The year ended with a major judicial victory when the UK government lost its legal battle in the domestic courts to reverse the centuries-old ban against the admissibility of information obtained as a result of torture in judicial proceedings. AI had intervened in the case, arguing that the absolute prohibition of torture and ill-treatment under international law prevented such use.

    The attempts by governments to weaken the ban on torture and other ill-treatment compromised both the moral integrity and practical effectiveness of efforts to combat terrorism. 2005 showed the absolute necessity of holding governments accountable to the rule of law, and reconfirmed that an independent and impartial judiciary plays a vital role in preventing the erosion of fundamental safeguards and securing respect for human rights.

    CONFLICT AND ITS AFTERMATH

    The number of armed conflicts around the world continued to fall, but the toll of human suffering did not. Continuing violence fed on a steady diet of unresolved grievances arising from years of destructive conflict and the failure to hold perpetrators of abuse to account. It was sustained by the easy availability of weaponry; the marginalization and impoverishment of entire populations; systemic and widespread corruption; and the failure to address impunity for gross violations of human rights and humanitarian law.

    Millions of people faced violence and hardship in conflicts caused or prolonged by the collective failures of political leaders, armed groups and to some extent the international community. Millions more endured insecurity, hunger and homelessness in the aftermath of conflicts, without the necessary levels of support from the international community to rebuild their lives.

    The failure of governments and armed groups alike to seek the political solutions needed to end conflict and to abide by negotiated settlements took a heavy toll on the human rights of ordinary people. Some governments sought advantage from conflicts in other countries, often arming one side or the other, while disclaiming responsibility. When the international community mustered enough support to put pressure on warring factions through the UN Security Council or regional bodies, the parties often failed to deliver on their commitments, as seen in Sudan and CF4te d’Ivoire.

    In their quest for political or economic gain, government forces and armed groups often showed total disregard for the civilian population caught in their path and even specifically targeted civilians as part of their military strategy. The large majority of casualties in armed conflicts in 2005 were civilians. Women and girls were exposed to the violence that accompanies any war and were also subject to particular, often sexual, abuse. In Papua New Guinea girls were reportedly exchanged for guns by their male relatives. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo large numbers of women and girls were abducted and raped by armed combatants. In nearly three quarters of the conflicts around the world, children were recruited as soldiers.

    The world’s attention focused largely on Iraq, Sudan, and Israel/Occupied Territories while prolonged conflicts in Afghanistan, Chechnya/Russian Federation, Nepal, northern Uganda and other corners of the world were largely ignored or forgotten.

    In Iraq, US-led multinational forces, armed groups and the transitional government all failed to respect the rights of civilians. Armed groups deliberately attacked civilians causing great loss of life. They targeted humanitarian organizations and tortured and killed hostages. The killing of two defence lawyers involved in Saddam Hussain’s trial highlighted the chronic insecurity in the country. This insecurity drastically curtailed the ability of many Iraqi women and girls to go about their daily lives in safety, and a number of Iraqi and non-Iraqi women politicians, activists and journalists were abducted or murdered. During 2005 evidence mounted that the US-led multinational forces and foreign private security guards committed grave human rights violations, including killing unarmed civilians and torturing prisoners. The failure to mount effective investigations into these abuses and to hold those responsible to account undermined claims by the occupying forces and the transitional authorities that they were restoring the rule of law in the country.

    The removal of some 8,000 Israeli settlers from the Gaza Strip under the so-called disengagement plan diverted attention from Israel’s continuing expansion of Israeli settlements and its construction of a 600km fence/wall in the occupied West Bank, where some 450,000 Israeli settlers lived in violation of international law. The presence of Israeli settlements throughout the West Bank was the main reason for the stringent restrictions (military checkpoints and blockades) imposed by the Israeli army on the movement of some 2 million Palestinians between towns and villages within the occupied West Bank. These restrictions on freedom of movement paralysed the Palestinian economy and curtailed Palestinians’ access to their land, their places of work, and to education and health facilities. The resulting increased poverty, unemployment, frustration and lack of prospects for a predominantly young population contributed to the spiral of violence, both against Israelis and within Palestinian society, including growing lawlessness in the street and violence in the home. However, the year saw a significant reduction in the number of killings by both sides: some 190 Palestinians, including around 50 children, were killed by Israeli forces, and 50 Israelis, including six children, were killed by Palestinian armed groups, as compared to more than 700 Palestinians and 109 Israelis killed in 2004.

    Atrocities continued in Darfur, Sudan, despite considerable efforts throughout 2005 by the international community to reach a political solution to end the violence. The Sudanese government and its allied militias (Janjawid) killed and injured civilians in bombing raids and attacks on villages, raped women and girls, and forced villagers from their lands. Abuses by the opposition armed groups escalated as their command structures broke down under increased factionalism and in-fighting between rival leaders. The violations in Darfur were described by the UN Secretary-General and UN agencies as staggering in scale and harrowing in nature with widespread and systematic human rights abuses, violations of humanitarian law, forced displacement of millions of people and looming hunger. In early 2005 the UN negotiated a peace agreement, raising hopes of a “peace dividend”. The African Union deployed forces, but their mandate to protect civilians was limited and they were further hampered by the relatively small number of troops deployed and the lack of logistical support. The peace did not hold. A UN Commission of Inquiry found that the government and the Janjawid militia were responsible for crimes under international law and the case of Darfur was referred by the Security Council to the International Criminal Court. Although the International Criminal Court began investigations, by the end of 2005, it had not been granted access to Sudan.

    Similar patterns were seen in many other conflicts that received less international attention during 2005: targeting of civilians, sexual abuse particularly of women and girls, the use of child soldiers, and a pattern of impunity. These conflicts were fought in both urban and rural settings, generally using small arms and light weaponry. Often diverse pockets of violence erupted, with little chain of command or accountability. In some cases, governments armed civilians in an effort to distance themselves from accountability or culpability for abuses.

    In Colombia, after 40 years of internal armed conflict, serious human rights abuses by all parties remained at critical levels. A law was passed providing a framework for disarmament and demobilization of paramilitaries and armed groups. However, there were fears that the legislation would allow the most serious human rights abusers to enjoy impunity, while human rights violations continued to be committed in areas where paramilitaries had supposedly demobilized. In addition, government policies designed to reintegrate members of illegal armed groups into civilian life risked recycling them into the conflict.

    Despite claims that the situation was normalizing, Russian and Chechen security forces conducted targeted raids in Chechnya during which they committed serious human rights violations. Women were reportedly subjected to gender-based violence, including rape and threats of rape, by Russian and Chechen soldiers. Chechen armed opposition groups committed abuses including targeted attacks on civilians and indiscriminate attacks. There was also violence and unrest in other North Caucasus republics, increasingly accompanied by reports of human rights violations.

    In Nepal, the human rights situation deteriorated sharply under a state of emergency imposed in February 2005, with thousands of politically motivated arrests, strict media censorship and atrocities committed by the security forces and Maoist groups. Following a mission to Nepal in the immediate aftermath of the emergency, AI called on the governments of India, the UK and the USA, Nepal’s main arms suppliers, to suspend all military supplies to Nepal until the government took clear steps to halt human rights violations. It made a similar call to other governments, including Belgium, Germany, South Africa and France (which supplied crucial components for helicopters assembled and delivered by India). However, although some governments responded positively to the appeal for a suspension of military supplies, China continued to supply arms and ammunition to Nepal.

    The failure to resolve manifest injustices, to address impunity and to control the spread of arms led to continuing insecurity and violence in many countries trying to emerge from conflict. Even in countries where steps towards peace had been agreed, there was often little political will or rigour to ensure that agreements were respected and faithfully implemented.

    In Afghanistan, lawlessness, insecurity and persecution continued to blight the lives of millions of Afghans. Factional commanders – many suspected of having committed gross human rights crimes in previous years – wielded public authority independently of central government control. Absence of the rule of law left many victims of human rights violations without redress, and the criminal justice system barely functioned. Thousands of civilians were killed in attacks by US and Coalition Forces and by armed groups.

    In CF4te d’Ivoire, where a disastrous decline in the economy precipitated a conflict in a country until recently regarded as one of the most stable in West Africa, easy access to small arms contributed to violations of the agreed ceasefire, inter-ethnic conflict in the west of the country, xenophobia and the ongoing use of child soldiers. Despite efforts by the African Union to restore peace and security in the country, the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process remained deadlocked. In October, AI publicized reports of small arms proliferation, re-circulation and possible new arms transfers to both sides of the conflict despite a UN-imposed arms embargo.

    In several post-conflict countries the dominant culture of impunity – the failure to bring to justice those responsible for human rights abuses – fostered continued cycles of violence. In Sri Lanka, for example, the security situation deteriorated in 2005 as both the government and the armed opposition failed to make the human rights guarantees in the ceasefire agreement work. Tensions over scarce resources were exacerbated by internal displacement resulting from the conflict and the tsunami.

    The struggle to overcome impunity can last for decades, or even generations. The survivors of Japan’s system of military sexual slavery during World War II – the so-called “comfort women” – have persistently called for recognition and justice for more than half a century, their numbers dwindling with time. Once again in 2005 the Japanese government refused to accept responsibility, formally apologize, or provide official compensation for the suffering endured by thousands of women.

    There were some exceptions to this generally grim landscape, including elections in a number of states emerging from conflict. Greater stability in Sierra Leone allowed the UN forces to leave the country. The Polisario Front, which demands independence for Western Sahara, released 404 Moroccan prisoners of war who had been held for well over two decades despite the formal cessation of hostilities 14 years ago. Efforts to overcome impunity moved forward with the prospect of Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) leaders being brought before the International Criminal Court charged with war crimes in northern Uganda.

    FUELLED BY FEAR: SUFFERING DUE TO IDENTITY

    The blurring of cultural boundaries often associated with globalization, far from overcoming deep divisions based on identity, was accompanied by continued, and some believe increasing, racism, discrimination and xenophobia. Across the world, people were attacked and deprived of basic human rights because of their gender, race, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation and other similar aspects of their identity, or combinations of these identities.

    In the context of the “war on terror”, 2005 saw continued polarization along identity lines in an increasingly intolerant and fearful world. Many people were targeted for discrimination and violence because of their identity – Muslims, those identified as Muslims, other minorities, migrants and refugees all fell victim. Some Muslim communities in Europe and elsewhere said they felt under siege: they feared and abhorred the bombings, but also experienced growing racism, fostered in part by some governments and media broadly linking the “terrorist threat” with “foreigners” and “Muslims”. On top of this, many suffered the consequences of counter-terrorism measures that were discriminatory in law and practice as young Muslim males continued to be portrayed as “typical terrorists”.

    In their efforts to assert their power or resist challenges to their authority, repressive regimes targeted ethnic or religious minorities. One of the most blatant examples was the treatment of Kurdish groups in Syria and Iran. Up to 21 people were reportedly killed, scores injured and at least 190 more arrested in a brutal clampdown on civil unrest in the Kurdish areas of western Iran from July onwards. The mass arrests and excessive use of force against protesters in the Kurdish areas were part of a pattern of abuse of ethnic minorities in Iran, where up to half the population is Persian and the rest is made up of other ethnic groups including Kurds, Arabs and Azeri Turks.

    In Syria too, Kurds continued to suffer from identity-based discrimination, including restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language and culture. Tens of thousands of Syrian Kurds remained effectively stateless, and were consequently denied full access to education, health services and employment, as well as the right to a nationality. However, in June, at its first meeting for 10 years, the ruling Ba’th Party Congress ordered a review of a 1962 census which could result in stateless Kurds obtaining Syrian citizenship.

    Challenges to mainstream religious views were severely punished in some countries. In Egypt, despite the (Emergency) Supreme State Security Court ruling at least seven times in his favour, Mitwalli Ibrahim Mitwalli Saleh remained in administrative detention for his scholarly views on apostasy and marriage between Muslim women and non-Muslim men. In Pakistan, where blasphemy laws make it a criminal offence for members of the Ahmadiyya community to practise their faith, police investigations into killings of Ahmadis were slow or did not take place at all. In just one incident in October, eight Ahmadis were shot dead and 22 injured in their mosque by men shooting from a passing motorbike. Eighteen men arrested shortly afterwards were released without charge. In China, religious observance outside official channels remained tightly circumscribed. In March, the authorities issued a new regulation aimed at strengthening official controls on religious activities, and in April a crackdown on the Falun Gong spiritual movement was renewed. A Beijing official stated that since the group had been banned as a “heretical organization”, any activities linked to Falun Gong were illegal. Many Falun Gong practitioners reportedly remained in detention where they were at high risk of torture or ill-treatment.

    In Eritrea, where the government cracked down on evangelical Christian churches during 2005, more than 1,750 church members and dozens of Muslims were in detention at the end of 2005 because of their religious beliefs. They were held in indefinite and incommunicado detention without charge or trial, some in secret locations. Many were tortured or ill-treated, and large numbers were held in metal shipping containers or underground cells.

    A perceived lack of ethnic “purity” was used as a basis to exclude people from employment and education in Turkmenistan. Many members of ethnic minorities such as Uzbeks, Russians and Kazakhs were dismissed from their workplaces and denied access to higher education. Members of religious minority groups risked harassment, arbitrary detention, imprisonment after unfair trials and ill-treatment. Latvia ratified the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities during 2005, but the government’s definition of a minority effectively excluded most members of the Russian-speaking community from qualifying for recognition as a minority.
    In many countries, indigenous people remained an underclass and were victims of widespread human rights violations. Discussions on an international Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People, deadlocked for almost a decade, made halting progress in 2005. This dilatory response by the international community to the urgent need to recognize and respect the rights of indigenous people was reflected at the national level. In Brazil, for example, the government’s demarcation and ratification of indigenous territories fell far short of its promised goals. This contributed to insecurity and violent attacks on indigenous communities and forced evictions, aggravating already severe economic and social deprivation.

    The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, who visited New Zealand in 2005, said that there were significant, and in some cases widening, disparities between Maori and the rest of the population. He said Maori considered this the result of a trans-generational backlog of broken promises, economic marginalization, social exclusion and cultural discrimination.

    At a time of unprecedented globalization, with barriers to the free flow of capital and goods across borders being dismantled, it was ironic that the movement of people across national boundaries became more highly regulated than ever. Migrant workers became the focus of particular attack and ill-treatment, notwithstanding the benefits that host communities derived from their presence. An estimated 200 million migrants lived and worked outside their country of origin. From Burmese agricultural workers in Thailand to Indian domestic workers in Kuwait, many migrant workers all over the world faced exploitation and abuse. Ill-treated by employers and often with alarmingly little legal protection, they had scant access to justice. When irregular migrants came to the attention of the authorities, they risked being arbitrarily detained and expelled in conditions that violated their human rights.

    As in many parts of the world, in the Mediterranean region there continued to be a blatant disregard for migrants' and asylum-seekers’ rights. Some of the thousands of people attempting to enter the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, on the north African coast, were intercepted and forcibly taken back to Morocco. Migrants and asylum-seekers fleeing extreme poverty and repression in sub-Saharan Africa were rounded up by Moroccan forces and detained. Some were deported to Algeria or taken to remote desert regions along the border with Algeria and Mauritania and left with little or no food and no means of transport. In Italy and Greece migrants and asylum-seekers continued to be detained, often in grossly inadequate conditions.

    Most of the world’s governments declined to commit themselves to enhancing migrants’ rights – by December 2005 only 34 countries had ratified the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. Of the 20 countries committed to report to the UN Committee on Migrant Workers, just two had done so by the end of 2005.

    Bilateral agreements between migrant-sending and migrant-receiving countries often ignored the human rights of migrants, treating human beings as commodities, “service providers” or “agents of development”, regardless of the contribution of migrants to their host societies and countries of origin. Many states focused on border controls while turning a blind eye to the exploitation of migrants, including migrant workers employed in the informal economy. The important contributions made by migrants to their host societies were frequently obscured in public debates that were often overtly racist and xenophobic, encouraging a climate in which human rights abuses against migrants were overlooked or even condoned.

    Women migrants were at particular risk of gender-specific human rights violations. A foreign domestic worker was sentenced by a Shari’a (Islamic law) court in the United Arab Emirates to 150 lashes for becoming pregnant outside marriage. Many women migrants were not only vulnerable to sexual exploitation by traffickers and employers, but also faced systematic discrimination in the country where they worked. A woman from India working in Kuwait who was raped and became pregnant was held in prison after giving birth; she was not allowed to leave the country without the permission of the child’s father.

    Discrimination and violence on grounds of gender persisted in every country in the world, as documented in several major reports released by AI during 2005 as part of its global campaign to Stop Violence against Women. In Nigeria, girls and women were left blind from beatings, doused with kerosene and set on fire, jailed for reporting that they had been raped or murdered for daring to report that their husbands were threatening to kill them. AI’s report on family violence in Spain analyzed the obstacles women face when trying to escape abusive relationships. In particular, migrant women, Roma women and women with physical or mental disabilities were rarely able to gain access to shelters and financial aid for survivors of gender-based violence.

    During 2005 AI campaigned for the rights of women disregarded by the criminal justice system. Hundreds of cases of women abducted and murdered in Guatemala were not adequately addressed by the authorities and the government itself reported that 40 per cent of cases were archived and never investigated. Such official inaction sent the strongest signal possible to those who perpetrated these crimes that they did so with impunity.

    Despite moves towards greater legal recognition of their rights in certain countries, lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people continued to face widespread discrimination and violence, often officially sanctioned. The authorities tried to ban Latvia’s first ever Gay Pride march to mark the struggle for the rights of LGBT people. Homophobic remarks made by the Latvian Prime Minister and other senior figures – who, together with religious leaders, opposed the march – were reported to have encouraged a climate of intolerance and hatred. In Saudi Arabia, 35 men were sentenced to flogging and imprisonment for attending what was described as a “gay wedding”. AI’s findings in a major report on the USA showed that LGBT people were targeted for human rights abuses by the police. The discrimination against them significantly restricted their access to equal protection under the law and to redress for abuses. A 60-year-old gay man arrested in St Louis, Missouri, told AI:

    “I did nothing wrong85 did not hurt anyone and was targeted simply for being a gay male in a city park 85 Nothing is more unfair than singling out a group and making them criminal when they are not.”

    Depriving a person of their rights because of a characteristic they cannot change or that is so central to their being that they should not be forced to change it, such as their race, religion, gender or sexual orientation, attacks the central premise of human rights – the conviction that every human being is equal in dignity and worth.

    POOR, EXCLUDED AND INVISIBLE

    During 2005 the international community’s commitment to “make poverty history” became more prominent on the international agenda. However, while government leaders pronounced their intention to reduce poverty, particularly in Africa, most of the targets set under the UN’s 15-year Millennium Development Goals showed little, if any, prospect of being met. The first time-bound target to achieve gender parity in primary education passed unmet with little or no protest from the international community. There was more rhetoric than real commitment to action, and not nearly enough attention to basing strategies on human rights principles.

    Action by states to relieve poverty and deprivation globally is not an optional extra – it is an international obligation. It was a measure of states’ failure to fulfil this obligation that in 2005, when the world’s economic output was at its highest level ever, more than 800 million people around the world were chronically malnourished. At least 10 million children died before the age of five. Over 100 million children (the majority girls) did not have access even to primary education.

    The disappointing outcome of the UN World Summit, which took place in September, illustrated clearly the gap between political rhetoric and genuine commitment. A small number of countries blocked efforts to make significant progress on human rights, security, genocide and poverty reduction. Delegates had to work so hard to maintain commitments made in the past that they had little time to discuss implementation of the Outcome Document, a political declaration where governments made pledges in the four areas of development, peace and security, human rights, and UN reform.

    The lack of progress on the Millennium Development Goals was particularly shocking in light of the fact that some of the Goals set levels of expected achievement lower than those that states are required to meet under international human rights law. The Goal of halving hunger, if met, would hugely increase life expectancy, health and human dignity. Yet the 152 states that have ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights have, at the very minimum, an obligation to take the necessary action to mitigate and alleviate hunger for the whole population, even in times of natural or other disasters.

    While global poverty climbed up the international agenda during 2005, it was also a year that exposed the gross economic and social inequalities within even the wealthiest of countries. The aftermath of Hurricane Katrina shocked many around the world as it revealed the underbelly of deprivation, racial inequalities and poverty within the USA, the most powerful economy in the world.

    The riots in France drew attention to decades of social inequality and discrimination against migrants and French nationals of African descent. The French government responded by declaring a state of emergency, imposing curfews and allowing law enforcement officials to carry out searches without warrants, close public meeting places of any kind and place people under “house arrest”. The government also announced plans to expel migrants convicted during the riots, regardless of whether they had a legal right to reside in France.

    In countries of all political colours, and all levels of development, many were still unable to access even minimum levels of food, water, education, health care and housing. Deprivation in the midst of plenty could not be blamed solely on a lack of resources – it resulted from unwillingness, systemic corruption, negligence and discrimination by governments and others, and from their failure to respect, protect and fulfil economic, social and cultural rights.

    For example, millions of people living with HIV/AIDS were unable to realize their right to health not just because of poverty, but because of discrimination and stigma, violence against women, and trade and patent agreements that obstructed access to life-saving drugs. During 2005, fewer than 15 per cent of those needing anti-retroviral treatment in the developing world received it, demonstrating the failure not only of governments, but also of intergovernmental bodies and companies, to fulfil their shared responsibilities for human rights.

    In a globalized economy, the failure to uphold human rights also brought to the fore the debate about the responsibilities of companies and financial institutions for human rights. The process of establishing human rights principles applicable to companies moved forward in 2005 with the appointment in July by the UN Secretary-General of a Special Representative on human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises. There was debate over the UN Human Rights Norms for Business and some further progress was made towards the acceptance by companies of voluntary codes of conduct. However, the need remained for common universal standards for corporate commitment on human rights and legal accountability.

    Countless situations across the globe highlighted how poverty can be an aggregate violation of human rights – civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights – and how poverty, marginalization and vulnerability to violence are often inescapably linked.

    In Brazil, where millions lived in poverty in favelas (shanty towns), the government’s continued failure to address systemic levels of criminal violence and human rights violations at the hands of the police reinforced patterns of social exclusion. The state’s persistent negligence over public security in favelas not only resulted in some of the highest homicide figures in the world, but effectively criminalized whole communities, further prejudicing access to already meagre public services such as education and health care as well as employment. For example, many favela residents would not be able to get a job if they gave their true address, as they were so widely seen as criminals. Armed violence was an inescapable part of daily life, either at the hands of drug gangs, police or vigilante “death squads”. A police policy of military-style incursions into the favelas not only failed to curb violence, it endangered the lives of some of the most vulnerable people in society. In October, a referendum on a total ban on the sale of guns in Brazil was defeated. Many analysts attributed the result to people’s sense of despair about the security situation and lack of faith in the police’s ability to protect them.

    In Haiti, high levels of violence, particularly sexual violence, were perpetrated by armed groups and vigilante groups against women in poor communities. Many women were under constant threat of attack. Given the extremely low rate of conviction in relation to crimes of sexual violence, and the lack of official, community or family support to identify and investigate perpetrators, it was not surprising that these victims did not seek justice. Law enforcement officials have consistently failed to provide adequate protection or access to justice for these women.

    Roma communities across Europe were often denied basic economic, social and cultural rights such as access to education and health services, and were frequently the targets of police abuse. In Slovenia, Roma formed a significant proportion of the people unlawfully removed from the Slovenian registry of permanent residents in 1992, known as the “erased”, and as a result they were not able to access basic social services.

    Whether in response to natural disasters or humanitarian crises, the international community often faces criticism for failing to provide timely and adequate assistance to people in urgent need of aid. However, in some countries humanitarian efforts were hampered by governments unable or unwilling to address the needs of the poor and marginalized in their own countries. In Zimbabwe, despite overwhelming evidence of humanitarian need, the government repeatedly obstructed the humanitarian efforts of the UN and civil society groups for political reasons. One of the major factors behind the need for external support was the impact of government policies; hundreds of thousands of people were forcibly evicted from their homes and tens of thousands of people lost their livelihoods and the ability to support their families.

    In 2005 there were some positive steps towards greater recognition of economic, social and cultural rights at national and international levels. These included an important Inter-American Court of Human Rights decision in the case of two Haitian girls, Dilcia Yean and Violeta Bosico, against the Dominican Republic, which had denied them access to education on the basis of their nationality. Also, steps were taken towards creating a UN mechanism for lodging complaints of violations of economic, social and cultural rights. Such a mechanism would help put economic, social and cultural rights on an equal footing with civil and political rights and end this arbitrary classification of human rights. It would strike a blow against impunity for economic, social and cultural rights violations and open a much-needed avenue for victims to claim redress.

    CONCLUSION

    For AI, genuine human security means that all rights – civil, cultural, economic, political and social – are realized. These are interrelated and indivisible – no security policy can ignore any one dimension. Human beings can flourish and fulfil their potential only if secure in all aspects of their lives. Human security therefore depends on the full range of interdependent human rights being respected, protected and fulfilled.

    This report shows how human security, understood in this way, has often been a casualty of the national security strategies of the world’s most powerful governments, and those emboldened by their example. Our collective human security will not be safeguarded through such state-centred and narrowly defined approaches to security. It requires a more comprehensive vision of what security means, as well as a collective sense of shared responsibility for protecting it within and beyond the boundaries of the state.


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  10. #10
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    Qarang bu raforgha1! Uyghur teshkilatliri nime ish qiliwatqandu? bashqilar heqqide xeli tepsiliy yeziliptu, uyghurlarning hayatida wehshetlik ishlar bolup ketti, xelqara kechürüm teshkilatining qolida tuzukrek materiyal bolmighachqa, Uyghurlar heqqide hech nerse yazmighili qil qalghan. ne Huseyin jelil, ne Rabiye hedemning baliliri we ne ölümge höküm qilingha 2005 de 100 din atuq uyghur heqqide hech gep yoq. heliqi dunyadiki uyghurlarning birdin bir hoquqluq orgini TOQ nerge kettikine, dawamliq nerdiki chuprende ishlarni qilip yürüydu.

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