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31-07-08, 20:18
Uighurs and China's Xinjiang Region

Author:
Preeti Bhattacharji

July 31, 2008

* Introduction
* Intermittent Independence
* Economic Development
* Han Migration
* Ethnic Tension
* Terrorism and Counterterrorism
* Tough Neighborhood
* International Disinterest

Introduction

The Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR), a territory in western China, accounts for one-sixth of China's land and is home to about 20 million people from thirteen major ethnic groups. The largest of these groups is the Uighurs [PRON: WEE-gurs], a predominantly Muslim community with ties to Central Asia. Some Uighurs call China's presence in Xinjiang a form of imperialism, and they stepped up calls for independence—sometimes violently—in the 1990s through separatist groups like the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM). The Chinese government has reacted by promoting the migration of China's ethnic majority, the Han, to Xinjiang. Beijing has also strengthened economic ties with the area and tried to cut off potential sources of separatist support from neighboring states that are linguistically and ethnically linked with the Uighurs.
Intermittent Independence

Since the collapse of the Qing Dynasty in 1912, Xinjiang has enjoyed varying degrees of autonomy. Turkic rebels in Xinjiang declared independence in October 1933 and created the Islamic Republic of East Turkestan (also known as the Republic of Uighuristan or the First East Turkistan Republic). The following year, the Republic of China reabsorbed the region. In 1944, factions within Xinjiang again declared independence, this time under the auspices of the Soviet Union, and created the Second East Turkistan Republic. But in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party took over the territory and declared it a Chinese province. In October 1955, Xinjiang became classified as an "autonomous region" of the People's Republic of China.

Some Uighurs, nostalgic for Xinjiang's intermittent periods of independence, call for the recreation of a Uighur state. "The Central Asian Uighurs know a great deal about the two East Turkestan periods of sovereign rule, and they reflect on that quite frequently," says Dru C. Gladney, president of the Pacific Basin Institute at Pomona College. Many of these Uighurs say China colonized the area in 1949. But in its first white paper on Xinjiang, the Chinese government said Xinjiang had been an "inseparable part of the unitary multi-ethnic Chinese nation" since the Western Han Dynasty, which ruled from 206 BC to 24 AD.
Economic Development

Xinjiang's wealth hinges on its vast mineral and oil deposits. In the early 1990s, Beijing decided to spur Xinjiang's growth by giving it special economic zones, subsidizing local cotton farmers, and overhauling its tax system. In August 1991, the Xinjiang government launched the Tarim Basin Project (World Bank) to increase agricultural output. During this period, Beijing invested in the region's infrastructure, building massive projects like the Tarim Desert Highway and a rail link to western Xinjiang. In an article for The China Quarterly, Nicholas Bequelin of Human Rights Watch says these projects were designed to literally "bind Xinjiang more closely to the rest of the PRC."

Since 1954, China has also used the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC) to build agricultural settlements in China's western periphery. Locally known as the Bingtuan, the XPCC is charged with cultivating and guarding the Chinese frontier. To achieve this mission, the corps has its own security organs, including an armed police force and militia. Over the past fifty years, the XPCC has attracted a steady stream of migrant workers to Xinjiang.

Beijing continues to develop Xinjiang in campaigns called "Open up the West" and "Go West." These economic programs have been relatively successful: Xinjiang has become one of the wealthiest parts of China."If you look at the general per capita income of Xinjiang as a region, it's higher than all of China's except for the southeast coast," says Gladney. International development bodies like the Asian Development Bank say that despite Xinjiang's growth, there are high levels of inequality (PDF) in the area. But the Chinese government has launched a series of programs to alleviate poverty in Xinjiang, and in March 2008, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao emphasized harmonious development of the region in a government report.
Han Migration

Growing job opportunities in Xinjiang have lured a steady stream of migrant workers to the region, many of whom are ethnically Han. The Chinese government does not count the number of workers that travel to Xinjiang, but experts say the local Han population has risen from approximately 5 percent in the 1940s to approximately 40 percent today. These migrants work in a variety of industries, both low tech and high tech, and have transformed Xinjiang's landscape. In June 2008, the BBC produced a photo report called Life in Urumqi, which said Xinjiang's capital had recently witnessed "the arrival of shopping centres, tower blocks, department stores and highways."

Many of these Uighurs say China colonized the area in 1949. But in its first white paper on Xinjiang, the Chinese government said Xinjiang had been an "inseparable part of the unitary multi-ethnic Chinese nation" since the Western Han Dynasty.

In its 2007 annual report to the U.S. Congress, the Congressional-Executive Commission on China said the Chinese government "provides incentives for migration to the region from elsewhere in China, in the name of recruiting talent and promoting stability" (PDF). Since imperial times, the Chinese government has tried to settle Han on the outskirts of China to integrate the Chinese periphery. But the Communist Party says its policies in Xinjiang are designed to promote economic development, not demographic change. Xinjiang's influx of migrants has fueled Uighur discontent as Han and Uighurs compete over limited jobs and natural resources.
Ethnic Tension

The Chinese government says Xinjiang is home to thirteen major ethnic groups. The largest of these groups is the Uighurs, who comprise 45 percent of Xinjiang's population, according to a 2003 census. Like many of these groups, the Uighurs are predominantly Muslim and have cultural ties to Central Asia.

As Han migrants pour into Xinjiang, many Uighurs resent the strain they place on limited resources like land and water. "Uighurs feel like this is their homeland, that these resources should be more devoted to them," says Gladney. In 2006, Human Rights in China said population growth in Xinjiang had transformed the local environment, leading to "reduced human access to clean water (PDF) and fertile soil for drinking, irrigation and agriculture."

Ethnic tension is fanned by economic disparity: the Han tend to be wealthier than the Uighurs in Xinjiang. Some experts say the wage gap is the result of discriminatory hiring practices. The Congressional-Executive Commission on China reports that in 2006, the XPCC reserved approximately 800 of 840 civil servant job openings for Han. Local officials say they would like to hire Uighurs, but have trouble finding qualified candidates. "One common problem of the western region is that the education and cultural level of the people here is quite low," said Wang Lequan, Xinjiang's Communist Party secretary, in an interview with the BBC. Gladney says Han applicants tend to have better professional networks because they are more often "influential, children of elite Party members and government leaders."

According to Bequelin, Uighurs are also upset by what they consider Chinese attempts to "refashion their cultural and religious identity." In an op-ed for the Washington Post, Rebiyah Kadeer, a prominent exiled Uighur, condemns China for its "fierce repression of religious expression," and "its intolerance for any expression of discontent." Beijing officials respond to these accusations by saying they respect China's ethnic minorities, and have improved the quality of life for Uighurs by raising economic, public health, and education levels in Xinjiang.
Terrorism and Counterterrorism

During the 1990s, separatist groups in Xinjiang began frequent attacks against the Chinese government. The most famous of these groups was the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM). China, the United States, and the UN Security Council have all labeled ETIM a terrorist organization, and Chinese officials have said the group has ties to al-Qaeda. Concern about Uighur terrorism flared in July 2008—two weeks before the Beijing Olympics—when a group calling itself the Turkistan Islamic Party took credit for a series of terrorist attacks (Xinhua), including two bus explosions in Yunnan province.

The Han population there has risen from approximately 5 percent in the 1940s to approximately 40 percent today.

The Chinese government has taken steps to combat both separatists and terrorists in its western province. According to the U.S. State Department, Chinese authorities raided an alleged ETIM camp in January 2007, killing eighteen and arresting seventeen. China also monitors religious activity in the region to keep religious leaders from spreading separatist views. Since September 11, 2001, China has raised international awareness of Uighur-related terrorism and linked its actions to the Bush administration's so-called war on terror.

But many experts say China is exaggerating the danger posed by Uighur terrorists. China has accused the Uighurs of plotting thousands of attacks, but Andrew J. Nathan, chair of the political science department at Columbia University, says, "You have to be very suspicious of those numbers." Gladney notes that many of the "terrorist incidents" that China attributes to ETIM are actually "spontaneous and rather disorganized" forms of civil unrest. Most experts say ETIM has no effective ties to al-Qaeda, and Bequelin goes so far as to say, "ETIM is probably defunct by now, as far as we know." In a 2008 report, Amnesty International accused Chinese officials of using the war on terror to justify "harsh repression of ethnic Uighurs." But in Xinhua, a state-run newspaper, Chinese rights organizations refuted the Amnesty report, saying it was designed to slander China under the pretense of human rights.

Experts disagree on the efficacy of China's counterterrorism measures. Some, including Bequelin, say China's anti-separatist campaign actually provokes more resentment, which can lead to more terrorism. But other Western outlets say China's counterterrorism measures have been relatively successful. A review of U.S. State Department documents shows a decrease in Uighur-related terrorism since the end of the 1990s.
Tough Neighborhood

Xinjiang shares a border with Mongolia, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, and the Tibet Autonomous Region. Because of the Uighurs' cultural ties to its neighbors, China has been concerned that Central Asian states may back a separatist movement in Xinjiang. According to Nathan, these fears are fueled by the fact that the Soviet Union successfully backed a Uighur separatist movement in the 1940s. To keep Central Asian states from fomenting trouble in Xinjiang, China has cultivated close diplomatic ties with its neighbors, most notably through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. According to Bequelin, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization was created "to ensure the support of Central Asian states," and to "prevent any emergence of linkages between Uighur communities in these countries and Xinjiang."

"People aren't threatening to boycott the Olympic opening ceremony for the Uighurs,"
–Adam Segal, CFR Senior Fellow

Many experts believe China's diplomatic efforts have been successful. Adam Segal, senior fellow for China studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, says China's neighbors "are now fighting their own Muslim fundamentalist groups," which makes them more sympathetic to China's plight. According to the U.S. State Department, Uzbekistan extradited a Canadian citizen of Uighur ethnicity to China in August 2006, where he was convicted for alleged involvement in ETIM activities. Nathan says cases like these are evidence that China's neighbors are cooperating with China's anti-secessionist policies. In contrast, the United States refused to hand over five Uighurs who had been captured by U.S. forces in Pakistan in 2001, despite Chinese calls to do so. After their release from Guantanamo Bay in May 2006, the Uighurs were instead transferred to Albania.

None of China's neighbors have expressed official support for the Uighurs, but the region's porous borders still worry Chinese officials. In the 1980s and 1990s, many Uighurs traveled into Pakistan and Afghanistan, where they were exposed to Islamic extremism. "Some enrolled in madrassas, some enrolled with [the anti-Taliban opposition force] the Northern Alliance, some enrolled with the Taliban, some enrolled with the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan," says Bequelin. Chinese officials worry that militants who slip in and out of Xinjiang can promote anti-state activity.
International Disinterest

In the run-up to the Beijing Olympics in 2008, protests in Tibet reaped international attention. But protests in Xinjiang (IHT) went relatively unnoticed. "People aren't threatening to boycott the Olympic opening ceremony for the Uighurs," says Segal. Because Tibet gets more global attention than Xinjiang, some reporters have referred to Xinjiang as "China's other Tibet" (al-Jazeera).

International interest in Xinjiang is muted for a variety of reasons. According to Nathan, the Uighur community lacks an effective leader. "For the Uighurs, their most prominent spokesperson is Rebiya Kadeer in Washington, who really doesn't have the infrastructure and the Nobel Prize that the Dalai Lama has," he says. Bequelin adds that the Chinese government has effectively branded Uighur separatists as terrorists, which has reduced international sympathy for their mission. Amidst international apathy, most experts say the human rights situation in Xinjiang is likely to get worse before it gets better. "There's no international pressure to change policy in Xinjiang right now," says Segal. "So why would China make any changes?"



The East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM)

Authors:
Holly Fletcher
Jayshree Bajoria, Staff Writer

Updated: July 31, 2008

* Introduction
* What is the East Turkestan Islamic Movement?
* Who are the Uighurs?
* Does the ETIM have ties to al-Qaeda?
* Does the ETIM target Americans?
* What kinds of attacks has the group launched?
* Why did the United States decide to target the ETIM?
* How does China respond to the separatist movement?
* Does the ETIM pose a threat to the 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing?

Introduction

The East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) is a militant Muslim separatist group in Xinjiang province in northwest China. The U.S. State Department listed the ETIM as a terrorist organization in 2002 during a period of increased U.S.-Chinese cooperation on antiterrorism matters in the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The Chinese authorities have called the group a threat (ChinaDaily) to the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing, but human rights organizations say this was exaggerated to allow the government to crush any form of dissent. However, some experts say the ETIM does pose a security threat. The question of China's vulnerability to terrorism resurfaced in July 2008 when a group calling itself the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP) took credit for a series of attacks (Xinhua) in several Chinese cities, including deadly bus explosions in Shanghai and Kunming. The group also threatened to target the Beijing Olympics. Some counterterrorism experts claim the TIP was the ETIM using another name.
What is the East Turkestan Islamic Movement?

A small, militant Muslim separatist group based in western Xinjiang province of China—a vast, thinly populated region that shares borders with several countries, including Afghanistan and Pakistan. The ETIM is one of the more extreme groups founded by Uighurs, the Turkic-speaking ethnic majority in Xinjiang, seeking an independent state called East Turkestan. Most Uighurs, according to the U.S. State Department, do not support the movement to establish an independent East Turkestan. China’s communist regime, which fears that China could splinter if regional separatist movements gain ground, has long called the ETIM a terrorist group; after September 11, China warned the Bush administration that the ETIM had ties to al-Qaeda. In August 2002, after months of pressure from Beijing, the Bush administration announced it would freeze the group’s U.S. assets. But experts say detailed, reliable information about the ETIM is hard to come by, and they disagree about the extent of the ETIM’s terrorist activities and its ties to global terrorism.
Who are the Uighurs?

The Uighurs (pronounced WEE-guhrs) are an ethnic minority group numbering about 8 million. Their ethnicity, language, and culture is more similar to the Turkic peoples of neighboring Central Asian republics. Although the ETIM seeks to establish an independent Islamic regime, the majority of Uighurs do not support an Islamic state.
Does the ETIM have ties to al-Qaeda?

U.S. and Chinese officials say it does, but some experts are less sure. The State Department reports that the ETIM has received “training and funding” from Osama bin Laden’s terror network and that ETIM militants fought in the ranks of al-Qaeda against the United States in the Operation Enduring Freedom. U.S. officials are said to have gathered information about Uighur militants linked to al-Qaeda from twenty-two Uighurs captured in Afghanistan and detained at the U.S. naval base in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Five of the detainees were released in 2006 and were accepted by Albania instead of repatriating to China.

In January 2002, a Chinese government study reported that the ETIM has received money, weapons, and support from al-Qaeda. According to the report, some ETIM militants were trained by al-Qaeda in Afghanistan , crossed back into Xinjiang, and set up terrorist cells there. But while experts agree hundreds of Uighurs left China to join al-Qaeda and its Taliban hosts in Afghanistan, some China specialists doubt the ETIM currently has significant ties to bin Laden’s network. Beijing has a long history of falsifying data, they say, and since September 11 the Chinese have repeatedly tried to paint their own campaign against Uighur separatists in Xinjiang as a flank of the U.S.-led war on terrorism—and to get Washington to drop its long-standing protests over Chinese human rights abuses in its crackdowns in Xinjiang. ETIM leader Hahsan Mahsum was killed in raids on camps linked to al-Qaeda in 2003.
Does the ETIM target Americans?

The State Department says that in May 2002 two ETIM members were deported to China from Kyrgyzstan for allegedly plotting attacks on the U.S. embassy in the Kyrgyz capital of Bishkek, as well as other U.S. interests abroad.
What kinds of attacks has the group launched?

Little is known about which specific attacks were carried out by the ETIM, but China blames separatists in Xinjiang, including the ETIM, for more than 200 terror attacks between 1990 and 2001. Chinese authorities say Uighur terrorists have bombed buses, markets, and government institutions; assassinated local officials, Muslim leaders, and civilians; and burned down businesses, resulting in some 160 deaths and 440 injuries overall. James Millward of the East-West Center writes that the Chinese, while rightfully afraid of separatist violence, have “exaggerated” the threat to “crisis proportions,” contending that radical Uighur violence has not escalated since early 1998. Experts say that few attacks have been carried out since then.
Why did the United States decide to target the ETIM?

Experts disagree. State Department officials say they took a tougher line because of persuasive new evidence that the ETIM has financial links to al-Qaeda and has targeted U.S. interests abroad. But some experts call the sharp shift in U.S. policy on Xinjiang an obvious bid for warmer relations with China. The United States had repeatedly rebuked China for human rights violations in Xinjiang and resisted linking the post-September 11 war on terrorism with Chinese attempts to quash Uighur separatism. Skeptics note the timing: The Bush administration’s clampdown on the ETIM came as the United States sought to prevent a possible Chinese veto in any UN Security Council debate over Iraq, shortly after Chinese officials said they would tighten regulations on the export of missile-related technology, and before Chinese President Jiang Zemin’s scheduled October 2002 visit to President Bush’s Texas ranch.
How does China respond to the separatist movement?

The United States accused China of using terrorism concerns as an excuse to suppress political dissent in Xinjiang. Since September 11, China has beefed up military and police units in the region; detained thousands of suspected militants; and restricted religious rights, which are protected under China’s constitution. The U.S. State Department's human rights survey for 2007 says the Chinese government continued to tightly restrict Muslims' religious activity in Xinjiang.

Human rights groups are concerned that the U.S. characterization of the ETIM as a terrorist group has given the Chinese a free hand to repress Uighurs. Experts say that while some Uighurs want full independence, others simply want greater autonomy, economic opportunities, and better protection from human rights abuses and discrimination. Many Uighurs complain of harassment by Chinese authorities, who have reportedly closed mosques in Xinjiang.
Does the ETIM pose a threat to the 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing?

The Chinese government says it does, but human rights groups say China uses the security threat as an excuse to crack down on the Uighurs and other minorities. In July 2008, a group calling itself the Turkistan Islamic Party released videos claiming responsibility for a series of deadly attacks and threatening the games. The Chinese authorities rejected the group's claims. The U.S.-based intelligence firm Stratfor says the TIP is another name for the ETIM. According to Stratfor, the TIP's "claims of responsibility appear exaggerated, but the threat TIP poses cannot be ignored." The firm also asserted that over the past year, the TIP had expanded its presence on the Internet, issuing videos calling for a jihad by Uighurs in Xinjiang. Ben N. Venzke, head of the U.S.-based independent terrorism monitoring firm IntelCenter, says it is not clear whether the TIP is a separate group or part of the ETIM. However, he says the group's objectives and goals are similar to those of the ETIM.

But others are not so convinced. Omer Kanat, senior editor of the Uighur service for U.S.-funded Radio Free Asia, says the TIP may not even be a Xinjiang-based Uighur group. "When you see the video you think it's a Uighur group but we have never heard of [the] TIP as a Uighur group," Kanat says. He suggests a possible affiliation between the TIP and the Islamic Party of Turkestan (GlobalSecurity.org), formerly known as the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU). The IMU, a coalition of Islamic militants from Uzbekistan and other Central Asian states and a close affiliate of al-Qaeda, is designated a terrorist organization by the U.S. State Department. The IMU changed its name to the Islamic Party of Turkestan in 2001, expanding its goal to the creation of an Islamic state in all of Central Asia.

Unregistered
31-07-08, 20:24
http://www.cfr.org/publication/9179/east_turkestan_islamic_movement_etim.html

Unregistered
31-07-08, 23:26
Towendiki analizdin qarighanda Uyghurlarning unumluk rehbiri yoqmish. Gerche Uyghurlarning Rabiye Qadir hanimdek bayanatchisi bolsimu, likin teshkili qurulmisi yoq....



International interest in Xinjiang is muted for a variety of reasons. According to Nathan, the Uighur community lacks an effective leader. "For the Uighurs, their most prominent spokesperson is Rebiya Kadeer in Washington, who really doesn't have the infrastructure and the Nobel Prize that the Dalai Lama has," he says. Bequelin adds that the Chinese government has effectively branded Uighur separatists as terrorists, which has reduced international sympathy for their mission. Amidst international apathy, most experts say the human rights situation in Xinjiang is likely to get worse before it gets better. "There's no international pressure to change policy in Xinjiang right now," says Segal. "So why would China make any changes?"

Unregistered
01-08-08, 00:36
Towendiki analizdin qarighanda Uyghurlarning unumluk rehbiri yoqmish. Gerche Uyghurlarning Rabiye Qadir hanimdek bayanatchisi bolsimu, likin teshkili qurulmisi yoq....

biz uchun system bek muhim, resmiy unumlik bir system qurushni oylishayli, disek, eyni waqtida tas qaldi, bizni xitayning ishpiyuni digili. hazir bu geplerni chetellikler dewatidu. towa....

yeqindiki mollam ja mollam, yiraqtiki mollam da mollam, dep Uyghurlar hejep deptiken. towa....

Unregistered
01-08-08, 02:53
Uighurs and China's Xinjiang Region

Author:
Preeti Bhattacharji

July 31, 2008

* Introduction
* Intermittent Independence
* Economic Development
* Han Migration
* Ethnic Tension
* Terrorism and Counterterrorism
* Tough Neighborhood
* International Disinterest

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But others are not so convinced. Omer Kanat, senior editor of the Uighur service for U.S.-funded Radio Free Asia, says the TIP may not even be a Xinjiang-based Uighur group. "When you see the video you think it's a Uighur group but we have never heard of [the] TIP as a Uighur group," Kanat says. He suggests a possible affiliation between the TIP and the Islamic Party of Turkestan (GlobalSecurity.org), formerly known as the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU). The IMU, a coalition of Islamic militants from Uzbekistan and other Central Asian states and a close affiliate of al-Qaeda, is designated a terrorist organization by the U.S. State Department. The IMU changed its name to the Islamic Party of Turkestan in 2001, expanding its goal to the creation of an Islamic state in all of Central Asia.

men undaq qarimaymen, ular toghra qildi

ming oransun zibu zinnetke
eti nime ishek elwette,


eger selpel kallimizni silkiwitip qaraydighan bolsaq,
turkistan islam partiyesi , texi dunyagha koz echishtin burunlar terorsit ilan qilinip yimigen mantining pulini tolidi, hem tolwetaidu.
siz ozingizning ming tinchliq yoli bilen namayish qiling, achliq ilan qiling yaki bashqa bir shekilde zoranliqtin saqlining xitayning prewayi pelek, xiyalining bir burjikige kiripmu chiqmayu.
siz qachandin beri oziningizning derdini dunyagha bildurushke terishiwatisiz. kimning xiyaligha kirip chiqiwatidu, chiqqan bolsimu sizdek bir pichkining olimi bilen bir topni yaki bir pilni hetta padishahni saqlap qilish herqandaq bir qumandainning qolidiniki kichikla bir ish.
biz hich bir zaman bir atmu bolamiduq, her zaman pichka bolup qurban berishke teyyar turuwatimiz.

birsining bi sozi bar idi. bizning sorunlarda haraq ichishimiz ozimizning medeni ikenlikimizni chet'ellikke korstishimizdur digen sozi bilen op oxshash,

hejep chong yerdin chushumiz amerika yawrupa kongul boluwatsa dep.
ozengning ishigha ozengdin qabil adem yoq' digen gep bar.
sizni pichka qilip ishlitish uchunla sizge kongul boluwatqandek korunidu.

meyli undaq iqlghan bolsun yaki undaq qilmighan bolsun.
bizning ishimiz tinch yol bilen hel bolmaydu, buni tarix ispatlidi. otkenki yuz yilgha qarisningiz pishaninginzige iniq yezighliq turuptu.
yaqup beg ( engilye, russiye xitay ) birliship yoqatti
tomur helipidin ( qan alwangni tugutumush )ayna ozi tugudi.
hoja niyaz ( qan tokmeymish) (Xitay yoqaati )
uch wileyet ( sulh tuzumush) sowet ittipaqi xitay)

yene nime qaldi.
yiring ketti,
tarixing tugudu,
siyasiting zadi yoq,
jughrapiyengdin eghizmu achalmaysen.
dining tugudu,
tiling tugudu
emdi qizlering ketti.
yeqinqi 5 yilda ana yurtta ichkirge yotkep ishlitish uchun 1 milyon tayanch kuch terbiyeleydu yeni her bir ailidin biridin tayanch kuch yetishturup chiqidu.
emdi sende nime qaldi, amerika yawrupa qurup imizgidin bashqa nime sep beridu, belki sanga uni qili buni qildin birer ikki milyon birer.
undin bashqa chu ?

qachanghiche yene tinchliq sulh namayish bilen otimiz.
meninghce ular yaxshi qiptu
Mao xitayning munu gipini obdan anglashizmi kirek

Quraldin Hamikimet cheqidu
political power comes out of the barrel of the gun.

qachanghiche bashqilarning depigha usul qilmighan ishimizgha ghusul bilen otimiz
ozimizning sitartigiyesini belgilep chiqishimiz kirek,
ozimizning musteqqiliq ushun birer stratigiyemizning tuzup chiqmay turup kelgusi inqilawimizdin soz achqilip bolmaydu.
ete ogun sen men bizdin kiyin , rabiye qadirdin kiyin kim qandaq dawam qilidu.

siz we men kompyuterning aldida olturwelip bir nerse yazghan bilen u ezimetler qiliptu

men ulargha barikalla deymen.
mumkun bolsa biz hemmizi deyli.
quruq ostengge mirap bolmayli

Unregistered
20-08-08, 02:31
bu tetqiqatchilar uyghurlarni xeli tetqiq qiptu juma. kilechikimiz heqqide nime oylaydighandu?

Unregistered
20-08-08, 17:34
bu yazmini tola chaplap harmighanmidu bu adam hix chuxanmidim nach-cha yillap tohtimay bahtajini bu yerge sorep kirip soghaq su sepip nima paida towa hudaim.

Unregistered
20-08-08, 18:00
bu yazmini tola chaplap harmighanmidu bu adam hix chuxanmidim nach-cha yillap tohtimay bahtajini bu yerge sorep kirip soghaq su sepip nima paida towa hudaim.

kimken u bahtaji digen?

Unregistered
20-08-08, 23:38
bu yazmini tola chaplap harmighanmidu bu adam hix chuxanmidim nach-cha yillap tohtimay bahtajini bu yerge sorep kirip soghaq su sepip nima paida towa hudaim.


sening naringga soghaq su sapti ??!! sanga ohshash qorqunchaq ablahlarning tugumasligi tupayli muxu ahwalgha qeliwatimiz , agar san tinich yol bilan hal bolushq qarap tursang manggu hitayning qullughidin qutulalmaysan.