Adil
28-01-05, 11:35
Bu kixi qarxenbe kuni UAA orunlaxturghan Rafto murasimida soz kilghan Lorne Craner ning Urumqide sitodentlarge sozligen nutki. Paydilinixinglar uqun bu yerge qaplap koyduk.
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Craner Says Government Can't Ignore Human Rights in War on Terrorism
Following is the text of U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Lorne
Craner's December 19 speech at Xinjiang University:
(begin text)
U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Lorne W. Craner
Xinjiang University
December 19, 2002
"The War against Terrorism and Human Rights"
I am delighted and honored to speak to the youth of Xinjiang
University today. It is a rare opportunity for an American official to
come to this part of China, to meet with a wide range of interesting
people and to hear from them directly about their interests and
concerns. I am grateful to the Chinese government for arranging my
appearance here today.
In my work as Assistant Secretary of State, I advise and represent
President Bush and Secretary Powell on U.S. policy in support of human
rights and democracy around the world. I have been lucky over the past
two years to be able to travel to many distant corners of the globe to
observe the situation of different peoples living under very different
sorts of governments and to discuss issues of importance to the United
States and them. I am always particularly interested in listening to
the views of young people and students, and to answer the very good
questions they have.
I was not much older than you when I first came to China as a college
student in 1981. I have returned many times since, the last time with
President Bush when he met China's leaders in February. Like all
visitors to China, I am amazed by the rapid economic progress and much
of the political progress that has taken place since the 1980s.
But it is to a region just across China's border, Central Asia, that I
traveled most often this year. Just last month, I was in Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. I had no idea when I took this job that I
would go to Central Asia so often. I go there because those nations --
like China -- are allies in the war on terror. So why, you may ask,
does the American government send a person who works on human rights
to countries that are allies in the war on terror?
I'm sure that you are all aware of the terrible events that occurred
in my country on September 11, 2001. I was a witness to those attacks;
I could see the Pentagon burning from my window at the State
Department. It is difficult to overstate the profound psychological
effect these attacks and the deaths of 3,000 people from 90 countries
had on the thinking of the American public.
After September 11, with the knowledge that there were people who
wanted to hurt us and who had the stated desire to kill as many
Americans as possible, some Americans believed that we as a nation had
to take whatever means necessary to punish and prevent terrorism. Some
felt that, in the face of this new threat, we no longer had the same
freedoms and liberties that have been considered a part of the
American way of life since the founding of our country. They also
believed that we should forget about human rights in other countries,
if it is expedient to do so to fight terrorism. As one who witnessed
the attacks, I can understand this emotional reaction. But I also
believe it is wrong, for a number of reasons.
This is the first reason: Human rights are the ability of people to
live with dignity and freedom, to have the power in the choices that
matter to them, so long as those choices do not infringe on the rights
of others to also live lives of dignity and freedom. They are called
rights precisely because they cannot be discarded when times get tough
or when circumstances become difficult. We believe we have these
rights by virtue of being humans, and the fact that they may be
inconvenient at times or make certain things difficult does not make
them any less real, or make us and our government any less obligated
to respect them.
Fighting the war on terror is undoubtedly made more complex by the
need to respect individuals' rights, but even our very legitimate and
necessary pursuit of security does not allow us or our government to
trample on the rights of our fellow man.
Moreover, security and respect for human rights are not mutually
exclusive. In fact, they support each other. Many of the root causes
of terrorism - hopelessness, despair, a sense of victimization and
injustice, and a desire for revenge - are found in downtrodden people
whose governments oppress them and prevent them from living lives of
dignity. Fanatics and extremists manipulate those feelings for their
own hateful purposes, and a vicious cycle is created where repression
breeds terrorism and terrorism provokes more repression. We think this
is a hopeless and self-destructive cycle, and one that dehumanizes all
parties.
Let me be clear: There is no excuse for terrorism, no matter the
cause. Nothing can justify the deliberate killing of innocents. But
just as terrorism can never be a legitimate response to grievances, so
combating terrorism can never be a legitimate reason to ignore human
rights. It might be tempting to think that authoritarian measures
beyond the law or even in the law's name will be most effective in
uprooting and defeating terrorists. But security obtained under these
circumstances is at best temporary, at worst illusory.
Both President Bush and Secretary Powell have made very clear publicly
and privately that the U.S. does not and will not condone governments
using counterterrorism as an excuse to silence peaceful expressions of
political or religious views. When we see terrorists, we will act
against them, but we do not believe we can condemn a whole religion,
or a whole people, because some among them commit terrorist acts. I
think we have shown this most clearly in Afghanistan, where we did not
strike emotionally and indiscriminately. Instead, our action in the
war was aimed deliberately only at the terrorists and the Taleban that
supported and sheltered them. In the process, we liberated millions of
Afghan Moslems from oppression, and we are now helping them build a
nation in a manner that they want and choose.
In Xinjiang, as I told your provincial leaders yesterday, America has
condemned the Al Qaeda-linked East Turkestan Islamic Movement. But I
am here today to reaffirm our friendship for the peaceful people of
Xinjiang. And I am here to restate what our Ambassador to China and I
have said many times: We believe people like Rebiya Kadeer should be
released from prison. To quote President Bush: "America will always
stand firm for the nonnegotiable demands of human dignity: the rule of
law; limits on the power of the state; respect for women; private
property; free speech; equal justice, and religious tolerance ...
including in the Islamic world."
Last week, Secretary of State Powell announced a new American program
to aid economic and educational progress and advance human rights in
the Middle East. He did so because it is the only way that those
societies, like all societies throughout the world, can best maximize
the potential of their people, and make a real future defined by
greater freedom, greater peace and greater prosperity.
As Secretary Powell has said, "Countries which demonstrate high
degrees of respect for human rights are the most secure and the most
successful. Indeed, respect for human rights is essential to a lasting
peace and sustained economic growth..."
I had an opportunity to see what Colin Powell meant last month in
Seoul, South Korea, where 102 nations gathered as a "Community of
Democracies". If we had tried to have that gathering 25 years ago, we
could not have held it in South Korea because it was a military
dictatorship at the time. And there would have been not 102, but maybe
32 countries that would have qualified to be part of a "Community of
Democracies." But today countries from Mongolia to Mali to Mexico are
illustrating that democracy and human rights are not American or
European concepts. There are many forms of democracy around the world,
each appropriate to its particular country, culture and history. What
they share in common is the knowledge that democracy does not just
mean building government institutions, but a system in which the
government is responsive to the needs of the people, and is
accountable to them through the rule of law and the check of an
electable opposition.
I began my talk today by noting that I have visited Uzbekistan
frequently this year. As I look out over this audience, I am reminded
of a meeting I had last month with students at Tashkent's law school.
As I looked into their faces, as I look into yours, I think that no
one so young should be burdened with the trauma and tragedy that
terror has brought to our world. But the students there have begun,
with American funding, a legal aid clinic to help ensure that
Uzbekistan's war on terror leads to greater freedom, not greater
repression.
We need to learn from these students if we're going to win the war on
terror. We also need to understand that we cannot rely on force alone.
My government and others must work towards a future of full lives and
fulfilled dreams - a future built on a strong foundation of human
rights and human dignity where terrorists will find no home. This is
our vision for the war on terror and human rights, and we hope all
governments will come to share it.
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Craner Says Government Can't Ignore Human Rights in War on Terrorism
Following is the text of U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Lorne
Craner's December 19 speech at Xinjiang University:
(begin text)
U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Lorne W. Craner
Xinjiang University
December 19, 2002
"The War against Terrorism and Human Rights"
I am delighted and honored to speak to the youth of Xinjiang
University today. It is a rare opportunity for an American official to
come to this part of China, to meet with a wide range of interesting
people and to hear from them directly about their interests and
concerns. I am grateful to the Chinese government for arranging my
appearance here today.
In my work as Assistant Secretary of State, I advise and represent
President Bush and Secretary Powell on U.S. policy in support of human
rights and democracy around the world. I have been lucky over the past
two years to be able to travel to many distant corners of the globe to
observe the situation of different peoples living under very different
sorts of governments and to discuss issues of importance to the United
States and them. I am always particularly interested in listening to
the views of young people and students, and to answer the very good
questions they have.
I was not much older than you when I first came to China as a college
student in 1981. I have returned many times since, the last time with
President Bush when he met China's leaders in February. Like all
visitors to China, I am amazed by the rapid economic progress and much
of the political progress that has taken place since the 1980s.
But it is to a region just across China's border, Central Asia, that I
traveled most often this year. Just last month, I was in Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. I had no idea when I took this job that I
would go to Central Asia so often. I go there because those nations --
like China -- are allies in the war on terror. So why, you may ask,
does the American government send a person who works on human rights
to countries that are allies in the war on terror?
I'm sure that you are all aware of the terrible events that occurred
in my country on September 11, 2001. I was a witness to those attacks;
I could see the Pentagon burning from my window at the State
Department. It is difficult to overstate the profound psychological
effect these attacks and the deaths of 3,000 people from 90 countries
had on the thinking of the American public.
After September 11, with the knowledge that there were people who
wanted to hurt us and who had the stated desire to kill as many
Americans as possible, some Americans believed that we as a nation had
to take whatever means necessary to punish and prevent terrorism. Some
felt that, in the face of this new threat, we no longer had the same
freedoms and liberties that have been considered a part of the
American way of life since the founding of our country. They also
believed that we should forget about human rights in other countries,
if it is expedient to do so to fight terrorism. As one who witnessed
the attacks, I can understand this emotional reaction. But I also
believe it is wrong, for a number of reasons.
This is the first reason: Human rights are the ability of people to
live with dignity and freedom, to have the power in the choices that
matter to them, so long as those choices do not infringe on the rights
of others to also live lives of dignity and freedom. They are called
rights precisely because they cannot be discarded when times get tough
or when circumstances become difficult. We believe we have these
rights by virtue of being humans, and the fact that they may be
inconvenient at times or make certain things difficult does not make
them any less real, or make us and our government any less obligated
to respect them.
Fighting the war on terror is undoubtedly made more complex by the
need to respect individuals' rights, but even our very legitimate and
necessary pursuit of security does not allow us or our government to
trample on the rights of our fellow man.
Moreover, security and respect for human rights are not mutually
exclusive. In fact, they support each other. Many of the root causes
of terrorism - hopelessness, despair, a sense of victimization and
injustice, and a desire for revenge - are found in downtrodden people
whose governments oppress them and prevent them from living lives of
dignity. Fanatics and extremists manipulate those feelings for their
own hateful purposes, and a vicious cycle is created where repression
breeds terrorism and terrorism provokes more repression. We think this
is a hopeless and self-destructive cycle, and one that dehumanizes all
parties.
Let me be clear: There is no excuse for terrorism, no matter the
cause. Nothing can justify the deliberate killing of innocents. But
just as terrorism can never be a legitimate response to grievances, so
combating terrorism can never be a legitimate reason to ignore human
rights. It might be tempting to think that authoritarian measures
beyond the law or even in the law's name will be most effective in
uprooting and defeating terrorists. But security obtained under these
circumstances is at best temporary, at worst illusory.
Both President Bush and Secretary Powell have made very clear publicly
and privately that the U.S. does not and will not condone governments
using counterterrorism as an excuse to silence peaceful expressions of
political or religious views. When we see terrorists, we will act
against them, but we do not believe we can condemn a whole religion,
or a whole people, because some among them commit terrorist acts. I
think we have shown this most clearly in Afghanistan, where we did not
strike emotionally and indiscriminately. Instead, our action in the
war was aimed deliberately only at the terrorists and the Taleban that
supported and sheltered them. In the process, we liberated millions of
Afghan Moslems from oppression, and we are now helping them build a
nation in a manner that they want and choose.
In Xinjiang, as I told your provincial leaders yesterday, America has
condemned the Al Qaeda-linked East Turkestan Islamic Movement. But I
am here today to reaffirm our friendship for the peaceful people of
Xinjiang. And I am here to restate what our Ambassador to China and I
have said many times: We believe people like Rebiya Kadeer should be
released from prison. To quote President Bush: "America will always
stand firm for the nonnegotiable demands of human dignity: the rule of
law; limits on the power of the state; respect for women; private
property; free speech; equal justice, and religious tolerance ...
including in the Islamic world."
Last week, Secretary of State Powell announced a new American program
to aid economic and educational progress and advance human rights in
the Middle East. He did so because it is the only way that those
societies, like all societies throughout the world, can best maximize
the potential of their people, and make a real future defined by
greater freedom, greater peace and greater prosperity.
As Secretary Powell has said, "Countries which demonstrate high
degrees of respect for human rights are the most secure and the most
successful. Indeed, respect for human rights is essential to a lasting
peace and sustained economic growth..."
I had an opportunity to see what Colin Powell meant last month in
Seoul, South Korea, where 102 nations gathered as a "Community of
Democracies". If we had tried to have that gathering 25 years ago, we
could not have held it in South Korea because it was a military
dictatorship at the time. And there would have been not 102, but maybe
32 countries that would have qualified to be part of a "Community of
Democracies." But today countries from Mongolia to Mali to Mexico are
illustrating that democracy and human rights are not American or
European concepts. There are many forms of democracy around the world,
each appropriate to its particular country, culture and history. What
they share in common is the knowledge that democracy does not just
mean building government institutions, but a system in which the
government is responsive to the needs of the people, and is
accountable to them through the rule of law and the check of an
electable opposition.
I began my talk today by noting that I have visited Uzbekistan
frequently this year. As I look out over this audience, I am reminded
of a meeting I had last month with students at Tashkent's law school.
As I looked into their faces, as I look into yours, I think that no
one so young should be burdened with the trauma and tragedy that
terror has brought to our world. But the students there have begun,
with American funding, a legal aid clinic to help ensure that
Uzbekistan's war on terror leads to greater freedom, not greater
repression.
We need to learn from these students if we're going to win the war on
terror. We also need to understand that we cannot rely on force alone.
My government and others must work towards a future of full lives and
fulfilled dreams - a future built on a strong foundation of human
rights and human dignity where terrorists will find no home. This is
our vision for the war on terror and human rights, and we hope all
governments will come to share it.